
Heinrich Himmler led the SS, helped build
Hitler’s empire, and died before facing justice.
But for his family, the war was only beginning.
Captured, questioned, and released into a country that despised them, his wife Margarete and
daughter Gudrun lived under a name the world would never forget.
Their story reveals how the
legacy of the Reich outlived the regime itself.
May 1945.
The Third Reich had fallen, and its leaders were being hunted across
a devastated Europe.
Heinrich Himmler, once among the most powerful men in Nazi
Germany, was on the run.
Disguised as a sergeant of the Geheime Feldpolizei, he tried to
flee through northern Germany with a small group of aides.
On 22 May 1945, British soldiers near
Bremervörde stopped the group for inspection.
When his true identity was revealed, Himmler
was taken into custody at Lüneburg.
A day later, during a medical examination, he bit down on a
hidden cyanide capsule and died.
His body was buried in an unmarked grave on the Lüneburg Heath.
For his wife Margarete and daughter Gudrun, the collapse came swiftly.
They had been living in
Bavaria, as Allied forces advanced.
In late April 1945, they fled south toward Italy, hoping
to reach a relative safe zone.
On 21 May, just one day before Himmler’s arrest, they were
stopped by American troops near Bolzano.
Both were taken into custody and brought to
Allied internment camps for questioning.
At the time, Gudrun was only sixteen.
Known
affectionately within the SS as “Püppi,” she had been her father’s pride, frequently photographed
beside him at official events.
To the Allied interrogators, however, she was simply the
daughter of one of Europe’s most notorious men.
In the months that followed, Margarete and
Gudrun were transferred between camps in Italy, France, and Germany.
They were interrogated
repeatedly by U.
S.
and British officers who wanted to know whether Himmler had left
behind hidden networks or documents.
Their internment coincided
with the Nuremberg Trials, which began in November 1945.
Although neither
Margarete nor Gudrun was charged with a crime, both were questioned as witnesses.
Interrogation
reports described Margarete as loyal, reserved, and deeply bitter over her treatment.
She insisted
she had known nothing of her husband’s “political work,” claiming to have lived a quiet life
focused on their daughter and household affairs.
Historians still argue how credible those claims
were.
Letters exchanged during the 1930s suggest Margarete supported many of Himmler’s beliefs
and enjoyed the privileges his position provided.
Gudrun, meanwhile, reportedly showed open
hostility toward Allied officers.
She maintained her father’s innocence, describing him as “a
great man.
” When the trials ended in late 1946, the Allies concluded that neither woman posed a
threat.
Both were released in November that year and allowed to return to Germany.
But the
world they returned to was unrecognisable, their home confiscated, their name
despised, their future uncertain.
The years after 1947 brought no peace for the surviving Himmlers.
Though free from Allied
internment, Margarete and Gudrun returned to a Germany that viewed them with suspicion.
Their
property in Gmund had been seized, and their bank accounts frozen.
Both women settled quietly
in the Munich area, living on small pensions and support from sympathetic acquaintances
who had once served under Heinrich Himmler.
In the early years of occupation, denazification
tribunals were set up across Germany to classify citizens according to their involvement in the
Nazi regime.
Margarete’s case was reopened several times.
In 1951, she was first classified as a
Mitläuferin, a “follower” or passive supporter, one of the mildest categories.
But new information
surfaced, including records of her participation in Nazi welfare organisations and correspondence
showing her ideological loyalty to her husband.
The British occupation authorities reviewed
her case again in January 1953 and upgraded her classification to Belastete—Category
II, meaning “activist” or “profiteer.
” The consequences were harsh for post-war Germany’s
standards.
She was ordered to complete thirty days of special work duty, stripped of the right to
vote, and temporarily lost her pension privileges.
For Margarete, the humiliation cut deeply.
She
wrote letters complaining about her treatment, describing herself as a “victim of Allied hatred.
”
Her insistence that she had “only ever been a wife and mother” clashed with evidence of her
political sympathies.
Historians later found her wartime diaries, filled with admiration
for Hitler and disdain for “defeatists.
” Gudrun, by then in her early twenties, faced
her own struggle to adjust.
She had grown up idolizing her father and never renounced him.
Her post-war statements revealed a young woman still fiercely loyal to the man the world
now condemned.
“I will never believe he did anything wrong,” she once told an interviewer.
This loyalty would define her entire life.
By the mid-1950s, Gudrun began working as a
dressmaker and later as a secretary in Munich.
She used different surnames at times to avoid
attention, though those who knew her rarely forgot who she was.
In 1952, she reconnected with
former SS families and attended private gatherings where they shared memories of the old regime.
These informal circles became quiet meeting points for those who could not let go of the past.
For the women, the 1950s brought a strange kind of obscurity.
The world moved on, West Germany
rebuilt itself, and the new generation wanted to forget.
Yet the Himmler name carried a
weight that could not be erased.
In public, they were just another family trying to survive.
In private, they remained bound to the memory of a man whose crimes defined a century.
By the early 1960s, Gudrun Himmler, now known
by her married name, Gudrun Burwitz, had quietly built a new life in post-war West Germany.
In
1951, she married Wulf-Dieter Burwitz, an engineer and member of the far-right National Democratic
Party (NPD).
They settled near Munich and had two children.
Outwardly, she lived as a wife and
mother in a recovering country.
Yet behind closed doors, she remained fiercely attached to her
father’s memory and the ideals he had served.
When Germany’s new intelligence agency, the
Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), began recruiting in the early 1960s, Burwitz briefly found work
there as a secretary.
Using a different surname, she was employed at the agency’s headquarters in
Pullach between 1961 and 1963.
Decades later, the BND would confirm her employment, acknowledging
that it had hired “Heinrich Himmler’s daughter” during the Cold War.
Some scholars view her
role as symbolic of how deeply Nazi networks had penetrated early West German institutions.
Others
believe she was simply another well-connected German seeking stability in a turbulent time.
After leaving the BND, Gudrun became increasingly active in veterans’ and revisionist circles.
In the 1950s and 1960s, former members of the SS and their families began to form informal
mutual-aid networks.
Among the most prominent was Stille Hilfe für Kriegsgefangene und
Internierte—“Silent Help for Prisoners of War and Interned Persons.
” Officially founded in
1951, it aimed to support Germans convicted by Allied tribunals.
In practice, it became a haven
for unrepentant Nazis and a fundraising vehicle for their legal defense and welfare.
By the 1970s, Burwitz had become one of the group’s most visible figures.
She
attended reunions of former SS officers, wrote letters to imprisoned war criminals,
and raised money for their families.
Publicly, she spoke little, but her views were
no secret.
She rejected any claim that her father had been responsible for atrocities, referring
to him as “a great man who had done good things for Germany.
” In interviews, she accused Allied
historians of distorting the past.
For decades, she refused to meet journalists or appear on
camera, but when rare photos emerged, grey-haired, composed, and smiling among elderly SS veterans,
they became chilling symbols of post-war denial.
Her activities drew quiet concern from German
authorities, yet for years, she faced no formal charges.
Stille Hilfe operated in legal grey
zones, presenting itself as a humanitarian charity even as it channelled money to fugitives
such as Klaus Barbie and Anton Malloth.
Into the 1990s and 2000s, Gudrun Burwitz
remained active in far-right circles, attending private meetings and quietly supporting younger
sympathisers.
She never disavowed her father or expressed remorse, and when she died in Munich
on 24 May 2018 at age 88, she was still regarded by some as the symbolic daughter of the SS, a
figure whose defiance reflected West Germany’s long struggle to confront its past.
While Gudrun Burwitz guarded her father’s legacy in secrecy and defiance, other branches
of the Himmler family took a very different path.
Heinrich’s brothers each faced their own fate.
Gebhard, the eldest, was interned by Allied forces in 1945 and held until 1948.
Classified as a
Mitläufer—a “follower” rather than an active Nazi, he was allowed to rebuild his life.
He
settled in Munich, worked in industry, and later represented a German cultural
office that cooperated with Afghanistan in the 1950s.
He died quietly in 1982, rarely
speaking publicly about his infamous sibling.
Ernst Hermann Himmler, the youngest brother, never
lived to see the end of the war.
A journalist and radio executive before 1945, he had joined the
Nazi Party early and served with the Volkssturm during the final defense of Berlin.
He was
killed on 2 May 1945, just days before Germany’s surrender, when Soviet troops overran the city.
But not all the family members remained silent.
Decades later, Heinrich’s great-niece, Katrin
Himmler, took the opposite stance of her older relatives.
Born in 1967, she grew up in post-war
West Germany, knowing that her surname carried a burden.
In her youth, she avoided mentioning
it.
Yet as an adult, she confronted it head-on.
Trained as a political scientist, Katrin became
a writer and researcher.
In 2005, she published The Himmler Brothers: A German Family History, a
deeply researched study that traced the parallel lives of Heinrich, Gebhard, and Ernst Himmler.
Katrin’s book was notable not just for its scholarship but for its courage.
In interviews,
she explained that her goal was not to cleanse the name but to understand it, to explore how
an ordinary middle-class family could produce one of the architects of Nazi Germany.
Her work humanised without excusing, depicting the Himmlers as a mirror of their
time: nationalistic, ambitious, and shaped by the culture that made Nazism possible.
Her decision to speak publicly marked a generational shift.
Where Gudrun had clung
to denial, Katrin embraced responsibility.
“I cannot change the past,” she said,
“but I can decide how to live with it.
” Even today, the Himmler name evokes unease.
In
2014, the discovery of Heinrich Himmler’s private letters and diaries reignited debate about the
nature of evil and ordinariness.
These documents, later published and exhibited, showed a man deeply
concerned with domestic minutiae, writing tenderly to his wife and daughter between reports on
deportations and executions.
For many historians, these papers revealed the chilling “banality”
behind one of history’s greatest perpetrators.
The Himmler family’s story mirrors Germany’s
path after the war, from denial and silence to confronting the past.
Gudrun defended her father’s
legacy; Katrin chose to face it.
Their lives show how Nazism’s shadow reached far beyond 1945.
If you found this video insightful, watch “What Happened to the Hitler Youth After
WW2?” next — a look at how one of Hitler’s most devoted organizations faced the end of the Reich
and the struggle to rebuild its members’ lives.
Like this video, subscribe, and hit the bell
for more History Inside.
Thanks for watching.
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