
In the final weeks of the Second World War in Europe as the Third Army swept through Bavaria and into Austria, Patton’s forces began encountering something that transformed the nature of the advance in ways that went beyond military calculation.
They were finding the camps.
Not all of them were the large industrial death facilities that the world would come to know through the Nuremberg trials and the photographs that became the defining images of the 20th century.
Some of them were smaller transit camps, labor camps, facilities that had been established for the purpose of extracting work from human beings until those human beings were no longer capable of work, at which point the system had various methods for dealing with what remained.
The men and women in these facilities were from every country that German power had touched.
French resistance fighters, Polish civilians, Soviet prisoners of war, Jewish families from Hungary and Romania and Czechoslovakia, political prisoners from Germany itself, men who had said the wrong thing or believed the wrong thing or simply been in the wrong place when the apparatus of the state decided they were inconvenient.
Patton had seen things in his military career that had prepared him for most of what war produced.
He had seen men die in every way that artillery and rifles and tanks could kill them.
He had seen the aftermath of battles that had lasted weeks and left landscapes that looked like the surface of another planet.
He had developed over decades of professional military service the emotional discipline that senior commanders require to function in environments that would destroy most people psychologically.
The camps broke through that discipline in a way that nothing else had.
The accounts from his staff officers, the entries in his own diary, the reports from the commanders of units that made the first discoveries, all of them describe the same thing.
A quality of wrongness that was different in kind from the wrongness of battle, because battle, however terrible, was something that soldiers on both sides had chosen in some sense, or at least had understood, was possible.
What the camps contained was not the result of any choice made by the people inside them.
It was simply what had been done to them by a system that had decided they did not deserve to be treated as human beings.
It was in this context, in the last days of April 1945, that Patton’s forces received intelligence about a facility approximately 40 mi east of their current position.
The intelligence came from multiple sources simultaneously, which was unusual and which suggested it was reliable.
A group of escaped prisoners had made contact with American forward units.
A local German civilian, one of the ones who claimed to have known nothing about what was happening and may or may not have been telling the truth, had provided information to an American intelligence officer.
An aerial reconnaissance had confirmed the location of a facility that matched the description from both sources.
The facility held approximately 2,000 prisoners.
It was guarded by an SS unit under the command of a bander named Carl Drestle.
Dressel was not a name that appeared in the major war crimes documentation that was already being compiled by Allied intelligence.
He was not one of the architects of the system.
He was a mid-level SS officer who had been assigned to run this particular facility and who had done so with the efficiency that the SS system demanded and rewarded.
He had been running it for 2 years.
He knew exactly what it was and what it did, and he had administered it without recorded complaint or hesitation.
The intelligence that accompanied Dressel’s name included something that immediately elevated the situation from a routine liberation to an emergency.
Drestle had received orders.
The orders had come down through the SS command structure in the chaotic final days of the regime, and they were the orders that Allied intelligence had been dreading since the advance into Germany began.
The orders said that the facility was not to fall into Allied hands intact.
The prisoners were not to be liberated.
They were to be dealt with before the Americans arrived, and the facility was to be destroyed.
Drestle had not yet carried out these orders.
The intelligence suggested he was waiting, possibly for confirmation, possibly because even within the SS there were men who hesitated at the final step, possibly for reasons that nobody outside his command post could know for certain.
But he had not refused the orders either.
He had 2,000 people in that facility and orders to kill them and a timet that was running out as the Third Army got closer.
Patton read the intelligence report at his headquarters.
Then he read it again.
Then he called his operations officer and asked how fast a relief column could reach the facility.
The answer was 6 hours under normal conditions.
Patton said he did not want normal conditions.
He wanted to know how fast it could get there if speed was the only consideration.
The answer was 4 hours, possibly 3 and 1/2 if the column moved immediately and nothing went wrong on the roads.
Patton ordered the column to move.
Then he did something that his staff did not expect.
He dictated a message to Dressel directly.
The message was transmitted on frequencies that German SS units were known to be monitoring.
It was also sent through a captured German officer who was given safe passage to carry it to Drestle’s position.
Patton wanted to make absolutely certain the message arrived, and he wanted Drestle to know that Patton himself had sent it because the name carried weight in the German military that Patton was not above using when it served his purposes.
The message was short.
It was the shortest communication pattern sent to any enemy commander during the entire war.
It said that General Patton was aware of the facility, aware of the orders Drestell had received and aware that those orders had not yet been carried out.
It said that a third army relief column was on its way and would arrive within hours.
It said that every prisoner in that facility who was alive when the column arrived would be a mark in Drestle’s favor in the accounting that was coming and that every prisoner who was not alive would be a mark against him in that same accounting and that the accounting was going to be thorough and it was going to happen and there was nothing Drestle or anyone else could do to prevent it.
Then the message said one more thing.
It said that Patton had spent the last weeks moving through Germany and seeing what the SS had built and administered and that he was speaking with complete clarity when he said that the men responsible for what he had seen were going to answer for it.
He said that Drestle still had a choice that most of the men responsible no longer had because most of them were dead or captured or running.
He said that the choice was simple.
keep the prisoners alive and surrender the facility when the column arrived, or carry out the orders and face consequences that Patton described in language that his staff said was the most direct and unambiguous threat they had ever heard him articulate.
He said that if those prisoners were harmed, Dressel should not expect the protections of the Geneva Convention because the Geneva Convention was an agreement between soldiers and what Drestell had been administering was not soldiering.
He said that he would pursue the matter personally and completely and that no distance and no surrender and no claim of following orders would be sufficient to put it beyond his reach.
The message was delivered.
The relief column moved.
For 3 hours, Patton’s headquarters had no confirmation of what was happening at the facility.
The communication situation in the final weeks of the war was chaotic enough that silence was not necessarily meaningful, but it felt meaningful to the officers who were waiting.
They had sent a column and a message, and now they were waiting to find out which one had arrived first and what they would find when they got there.
The confirmation came 4 hours after the column departed.
The facility had been reached.
The guards had withdrawn.
Drestle was not present at the facility when the column arrived, which meant he had either fled or was surrendering himself somewhere else, or had made a calculation about the wisdom of being in the immediate vicinity of 2,000 people he had been administering when their liberators arrived.
The prisoners were alive.
All of them, or very nearly all of them, within the terrible margin of what the facility had already done to them before the orders arrived and before Patton’s message arrived and before the column came through the gates.
2,000 people were alive who might not have been.
Patton was told the result at his headquarters.
His staff watched him receive the news.
He was quiet for a moment.
Then he asked about the condition of the prisoners.
The answer was what the answer always was at these facilities.
Severe malnutrition, medical emergencies, people who had been reduced by deliberate policy to a condition that would take months of care to begin to address.
Alive, but with everything that word meant in that context.
Patton ordered full medical resources diverted to the facility immediately.
He ordered his quartermaster to redirect food supplies.
He gave the orders with the same precise operational focus he brought to every military problem because this was now a military problem that he was responsible for and he intended to address it with the same thoroughess he brought to everything else.
Then he wrote in his diary that evening.
The entry was longer than most.
He wrote about what his army had been finding as it moved through Germany and about the facility and about the message he had sent and about the result.
He wrote that he did not know whether it was the message or the approaching column or something inside Drestle himself that had produced the outcome and that he did not particularly care which one it was because the outcome was what mattered.
He wrote that he had meant every word of the message.
He wrote that the accounting he had promised was going to happen and that he intended to do everything in his power to ensure that it was complete and that it reached everyone who deserved to be reached by it.
Regardless of rank and regardless of the claims about following orders that he expected to hear from every person who had participated in the system he had spent the last weeks driving through.
He wrote that 2,000 people were alive tonight who might not have been and that this was the thing he would remember about this day and that everything else, the message and the column and the operational details was secondary to that single fact.
Drestle was captured 3 days later by a different American unit.
He was processed as a prisoner and his case was referred to the war crimes investigators who were already working through the documentation that the advancing Allied armies were uncovering everywhere they went.
Whether Patton’s message was entered into the proceedings, whether the fact that the prisoners were alive when the column arrived was considered in his case is not clearly documented in the available records.
The proceedings took years and produced outcomes that satisfied almost nobody, which was the nature of trying to apply legal process to something that had operated so far outside any legal or moral framework that the framework itself seemed inadequate to the task.
What is documented is the testimony of some of the prisoners who were in the facility when the American column arrived.
Several of them interviewed by journalists and historians in the years after the war described the hours before the liberation.
They described the guards becoming agitated and then quiet.
They described a period of uncertainty that felt different from the ordinary uncertainty of their captivity, a quality of suspension, as if something had changed in the atmosphere of the facility without anyone explaining what it was.
And then they described the sound of American vehicles and the gates opening and the soldiers coming through.
None of them knew in that moment about the message or the column or the calculation that had been made somewhere outside their walls.
They knew only that the gates had opened.
For the people inside, that was the entire story.
Everything else was details.
Patton never spoke publicly about the message he had sent to Drestle.
He mentioned the facility in later accounts of the campaign, but without the specific details of the communication, which was characteristic of the way he discussed things that he had done, that he considered simply the right thing to do rather than something requiring explanation or credit.
He had seen a situation that required a response, and he had responded, and the response had worked.
And that was the end of it.
As far as he was concerned, his staff remembered it differently.
The officer, who had been present when Patton dictated the message, who had watched him compose in 20 minutes something that the officer described as the most focused and deliberate communication he had ever witnessed Patton produce, said years later that he had understood in that moment something about Patton that he had not fully understood before.
He said that Patton’s famous aggression, [clears throat] the quality that the press celebrated and his superiors managed and his enemies feared was not the thing that defined him.
What defined him was the certainty.
The absolute unqualified certainty that he knew what needed to be done and that he was going to do it and that nothing was going to get between him and doing it.
He said that Drestle had received a message from a man who meant every word of it and who had the capability to back every word of it and who had made the calculation that the combination of those two things, the meaning and the capability, was the best available tool for keeping 2,000 people alive long enough for the column to arrive.
He said that he had been right and that being right in that particular situation on that particular day had mattered more than anything else that happened in the entire campaign.
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