Muammar Gaddafi s rise brought a kind of control,  where women, in particular, were singled out,   punished, and humiliated in public in unimaginable  ways.

The memory of that fear left a mark on   generations of Libyan women.

And the scars  of this control are still remembered today.

Before Gaddafi even took power,  Libya was a country where social   rules mattered more than written laws.

Under  King Idris I, who ruled from 1951 to 1969,   the state was weak and distant  from daily life.

Courts existed,   but most disputes were handled through families,  tribes, and local religious leaders.

A person   s reputation determined how they were  treated far more than any legal ruling.

For Libyan women, reputation was everything.

A  woman s future depended on how she was viewed   by her community.

Marriage prospects, safety, and  family honor were all tied to public perception.

If a woman was accused of immoral behavior, even  without proof, the damage was often permanent.

Families could refuse to defend her to avoid  being shamed themselves.

Marriage offers   could disappear overnight.

In some cases,  families were forced to move to escape the   stigma.

There was no official way to clear a  woman s name once it was questioned publicly.

Gaddafi came into this system on September 1,  1969, when he led a group of young army officers   and carried out a military coup against King  Idris I.

The king was not in Libya at the time.

He was in Turkey for medical treatment,  which left the government unprepared and   unable to respond.

The coup was completed in  less than twenty-four hours.

Radio stations,   military bases, and government buildings were  taken without major fighting.

By morning,   the monarchy that had ruled Libya  since independence was gone.

Immediately after taking power, the new  regime suspended Libya s 1951 constitution.

This document had provided basic legal  protections, including limits on government   power and the existence of courts that could  review state actions.

Parliament was dissolved,   political parties were banned, and judges  were removed from cases involving national   security.

These steps happened quickly, before any  public debate could occur.

From that moment on,   there was no independent legal system  left to protect citizens from the state.

Power shifted away from laws and toward  revolutionary authority.

Gaddafi and   the officers who supported him claimed  they represented the will of the people,   but no elections were held to prove this.

Instead, decisions were made by military   councils and later by revolutionary committees.

These bodies were not bound by legal rules.

They answered only to the revolution  and, ultimately, to Gaddafi himself.

Gaddafi described the coup as a moral  reset for the country.

He claimed that   Libya needed to be purified from  corruption, foreign influence,   and disloyal behavior.

Under this new thinking,  loyalty became more important than evidence.

Being accused of opposing the revolution  was treated as proof of guilt.

Courts were   no longer needed because the revolution itself  was presented as the highest form of justice.

This change was especially dangerous for women.

Under the old system, even though protections   were limited, accusations still required  some form of legal process.

After 1969,   that barrier disappeared.

Accusation alone  was enough to bring punishment.

A rumor,   a complaint, or an anonymous report could  trigger an investigation and public exposure.

There was no clear way to defend  oneself or appeal a decision.

At the same time, Gaddafi publicly claimed that  women would benefit from the new order.

He spoke   about expanding education for girls, allowing  women to work, and freeing them from what he   described as old traditions.

These statements  helped him gain support and gave the impression   of progress.

However, this image hid a deeper  shift in how women were viewed by the state.

Between 1971 and 1975, Gaddafi built a  new system to control everyday life in   Libya.

This system relied on groups known as  revolutionary committees.

These committees   were placed inside universities, secondary  schools, government offices, factories,   and residential neighborhoods.

Their members  were usually loyal supporters of the regime,   not trained judges or legal officials.

They did not follow court procedures and   were not required to present evidence.

Their  authority came directly from the revolution.

The role of these committees was to monitor  behavior and report anything that appeared   disloyal or improper.

Meetings were held regularly  where individuals could be named, accused,   and questioned in front of others.

There was no  clear rule about what counted as a violation.

This lack of definition gave the  committees full freedom to act.

Women quickly became a main focus of this system.

Female students and young working women were   especially vulnerable because they were visible  in public spaces such as schools, universities,   and offices.

Many were accused of moral  violations rather than political crimes because   moral accusations were more damaging and easier  to make.

A woman could be accused of behaving   improperly, rejecting revolutionary values,  or copying foreign customs without any proof.

Once accused, a woman was often summoned to  a public setting.

This could be a classroom,   a lecture hall, a workplace meeting, or  a neighborhood gathering.

The accusation   was read aloud in front of people she  knew.

Teachers, coworkers, classmates,   and neighbors were forced to listen.

The woman  was expected to stand silently while her character   was attacked.

There was no opportunity to  defend herself or question the accusation.

These public denouncements were planned carefully.

They were not spontaneous reactions.

They were   meant to humiliate and isolate.

By punishing women  in front of their peers, the regime ensured that   the damage would follow them beyond the event  itself.

Afterward, classmates avoided them.

Employers lost trust.

Families felt pressure  to distance themselves to avoid being targeted.

Even when no physical punishment  followed, the consequences were severe.

The state learned that public  exposure was more effective than   imprisonment.

Fear spread faster  when everyone saw what happened.

In March 1977, Gaddafi announced that Libya  was no longer a republic but a Jamahiriya,   which he described as a state run  directly by the people.

In reality,   this change removed what little legal structure  still existed.

Courts had already been weakened,   and this declaration placed all  real power in the hands of Gaddafi   and the revolutionary committees.

There were no checks on authority.

Decisions about guilt and punishment were no  longer tied to written law or independent judges.

That same year, the regime introduced public  execution as a regular tool to control society.

Executions were planned, announced, and carried  out in open spaces where large crowds could   gather.

Locations included city squares in  Tripoli and Benghazi, football stadiums,   and university campuses.

These places were  chosen because they were familiar and symbolic,   especially schools and universities, which the  regime saw as centers of possible resistance.

Attendance at these executions was often  mandatory.

School administrators were   ordered to send students.

University  staff were instructed to bring entire   classes.

Workers in nearby offices  were told to leave their desks and   watch.

Refusing to attend could raise  suspicion and lead to investigation.

Some executions were broadcast on state  television.

Cameras focused on the event,   while government announcers explained that  the condemned were traitors, enemies of the   revolution, or agents of foreign powers.

There  was no mention of trials, evidence, or defense.

Women accused of political crimes  were executed alongside men.

These accusations often involved claims of  opposing the revolution, spreading forbidden   ideas, or maintaining ties with groups outside  the country.

When women were executed publicly,   the impact was different and deeper.

By killing  women in public, the regime sent a message that   no social role or cultural protection  could shield anyone from punishment.

The state media framed these women not only as  political enemies but also as morally corrupt.

Their executions were presented as proof that  they had betrayed social values, not just the   government.

This portrayal damaged their families  as well.

Relatives were quietly blamed and watched   closely afterwards.

Entire households could fall  under suspicion because of one accused woman.

Families were strictly warned not to show  grief.

Funerals were restricted or denied.

Crying in public, wearing black, or speaking  about the dead could lead to arrest.

In some   cases, families were forced to remain  silent for years.

The goal was to erase   sympathy and prevent the condemned  from becoming symbols of resistance.

From the late 1970s onward, Gaddafi s  government made detention without trial   a routine method of control.

Arrests  no longer required clear charges,   court orders, or evidence.

Security  forces, intelligence officers,   and revolutionary committees could  detain someone based on suspicion alone.

For women, this often had nothing to do with  their own actions.

Guilt was extended through   family ties.

If a husband, brother, father, or  even a distant relative was accused of opposing   the regime, female family members could be taken  as a warning to others.

This practice was meant to   break families and discourage any form of dissent  by making the cost personal and unpredictable.

Many of these women were taken during night  raids.

Security agents arrived without uniforms,   often in unmarked vehicles, and removed women from  their homes in front of children and neighbors.

No arrest documents were provided.

In most  cases, families were not told where the woman   was being taken or why.

This uncertainty  was intentional.

By denying information,   the state created fear not only for the  detainee but for everyone connected to her.

Some women were held in major prisons,  while others were placed in smaller,   unofficial detention centers run directly  by intelligence agencies or revolutionary   committees.

These facilities were not listed  in public records.

Conditions were harsh.

Cells were overcrowded, sanitation  was poor, and access to medical care   was limited or nonexistent.

Contact with  the outside world was usually forbidden.

Letters were blocked, visits were  denied, and lawyers were not allowed.

Detention periods were undefined.

Some women  were held for months without questioning.

Others remained imprisoned for years  without ever being formally charged.

The lack of a timeline was part of the  punishment.

Not knowing when or if release   would come created constant psychological  pressure.

Women were kept in a state of fear,   unable to plan for the future or even understand  what was expected of them to regain their freedom.

In some cases, women were later brought back into  public view.

They might be forced to appear at   public denunciations, televised confessions,  or revolutionary meetings where they were   accused of betrayal or moral corruption.

Other  women simply disappeared.

Their families never   received confirmation of death or release.

The  absence of information became a permanent wound.

During the 1980s, Libya faced growing  opposition from various groups.

Islamist   movements, which had existed quietly in  the 1970s, became more organized and vocal.

Some members of these groups criticized  the government for restricting religion   and traditional values, while others  opposed Gaddafi s political control.

At the same time, Libyans living abroad,  including former government officials,   military officers, and students, began speaking  openly against the regime.

They wrote pamphlets,   held meetings in neighboring countries like  Egypt and Tunisia, and sometimes tried to   coordinate resistance inside Libya.

The regime  viewed all of this activity as a serious threat.

The increase in opposition created fear among  the leadership.

Gaddafi s security forces were   aware that these groups could influence people  inside the country, even without being physically   present.

The authorities worried that members of  these opposition networks could inspire protests,   organize attacks, or spread ideas that challenged  the government.

The regime also feared that any   visible support for these groups, even from  family members, could weaken its control.

This period marked a shift in how the regime  treated dissent.

It was no longer enough to   watch individuals suspected of opposing  the government.

The state began to pay   attention to the wider networks surrounding them,  including their families.

Women, in particular,   became targets because the government knew their  social roles connected them to male relatives.

By controlling or punishing women  connected to opposition figures,   the state aimed to weaken support for political  groups and prevent the spread of dissent.

After international sanctions were  imposed on Libya in the early 1990s,   the country faced severe economic collapse,  but the public punishments still didn t stop.

The sanctions were a response to the bombing  of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland,   in 1988, and other international concerns about  Libya s support for terrorism.

These sanctions   blocked Libya from accessing oil revenue, foreign  banking, and trade, which were the main sources   of income for the state.

As a result, basic  goods became scarce, including food, fuel, and   medical supplies.

Hospitals, schools, and public  services struggled to operate.

The population   became heavily dependent on what the government  could still provide.

This dependence gave the   state more leverage over ordinary citizens, making  any form of disobedience or dissent even riskier.

During this period, the public punishment  of women continued, but it shifted in scale   and method.

Large, televised executions or  mass public humiliations became less common.

Instead, the regime relied on smaller, localized  punishments that took place in workplaces,   schools, neighborhoods, and  local community centers.

These events were carefully controlled and  aimed at those immediately surrounding the   accused.

By focusing on local spaces, the  regime made the punishment more intimate,   ensuring that women would feel the  consequences directly in their daily lives.

Women could be accused of many  different offenses under this system.

Speaking with foreign journalists,  even for seemingly harmless reasons,   could be interpreted as a betrayal of the  state.

Criticizing the shortages of food,   medicine, or fuel in conversations at  the market, school, or workplace could   also trigger punishment.

Attendance at unofficial  gatherings, meetings not sanctioned by the state,   social events outside government control,  or religious gatherings seen as suspicious,   was another common reason women were targeted.

In  each case, the accusations did not require proof.

The terror reached its height in June  1996, when one of the most infamous   events in modern Libyan history took  place at Abu Salim prison in Tripoli.

More than 1,200 prisoners were killed  in a single massacre.

The prisoners had   been detained for years for a variety of  reasons, including political opposition,   suspected ties to Islamist movements, or  even family connections to exiled dissidents.

Abu Salim was a high-security prison,  notorious for its harsh conditions,   lack of legal oversight, and routine use of  torture.

Yet the scale of the June massacre   was unprecedented.

Guards and security  forces carried out the killings in secret,   and the regime successfully concealed  the event from the public for many years.

Women became central figures in the  aftermath, even though the massacre   itself primarily targeted men.

Mothers,  wives, sisters, and daughters began   asking questions, demanding answers from  a government that refused transparency.

In Libyan society, women were often  expected to be silent in political matters,   but the loss of so many men forced women to  step into public roles.

They visited prisons,   spoke with authorities, and tried  to organize petitions, protests,   or informal gatherings to learn the truth.

These  actions made them highly visible to the regime,   which interpreted their demands for  justice as a challenge to state authority.

The state responded with intimidation.

Women  who protested were threatened with arrest,   detention, or surveillance.

Some were forcibly  taken to interrogation centers and questioned   about their motives and associations.

Others  were publicly humiliated in neighborhoods   or workplaces, labeled as spreading  false information or as troublemakers.

In addition to direct intimidation, the regime  used social pressure to control women s responses.

Neighbors, coworkers, and extended family  members were warned not to support or speak   to women seeking information about  Abu Salim.

This created isolation   and fear.

Many women found themselves  ostracized, their reputations questioned,   and their families at risk simply for asking  questions about loved ones who had disappeared.

However, Gaddafi s brutality could not last long.

And in February 2011, the wave of uprisings  that began in Tunisia and Egypt reached   Libya.

The demonstrations were initially  small but spread quickly across cities,   towns, and neighborhoods.

People demanded  political freedom, an end to corruption,   and accountability for decades of oppression.

Across Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, and other  cities, women organized marches, created networks   to coordinate protests, and distributed leaflets  detailing government abuses.

They used mobile   phones, social media, and satellite phones  to document violent crackdowns, arrests, and   instances of public humiliation.

Even in the most  conservative regions, women joined alongside men,   signaling that resistance was a family and  community concern, not just a political one.

In Benghazi, which quickly became the epicenter of  the opposition, women were among the first to defy   curfews and the constant surveillance of Gaddafi  s security forces.

They gathered in squares,   sometimes with children in tow, chanting slogans  against the regime.

Their presence was a direct   challenge to Gaddafi s long-standing system, which  had relied on social shame to enforce obedience.

The regime responded with tactics that  were familiar but now under new scrutiny.

Security forces and pro-Gaddafi militias  attempted to discredit female protesters   by accusing them of dishonor, moral  corruption, and political betrayal.

Rumors were spread through local media and  neighborhood monitors claiming that women   participating in demonstrations had abandoned  traditional values or were acting as agents   of foreign powers.

In some towns, women were  threatened by local revolutionary committees   or intelligence officers, told they would be  publicly shamed or detained if they continued   to protest.

Male family members were also  threatened, creating pressure for women to   stop, but the scale of the uprising made these  threats less effective than in previous decades.

Despite these tactics, the protests  continued to grow.

By March 2011,   Benghazi and other eastern cities were  effectively outside the control of the   central government.

Women played key roles  in sustaining the opposition, not only on   the streets but in organizing medical aid, food  distribution, and shelter for displaced families.

Their actions provided critical support for the  fighters who were resisting government forces,   especially in Misrata, where prolonged  urban combat caused widespread destruction.

Women acted as messengers between frontlines,   smuggled supplies into conflict zones, and  recorded military movements for the opposition.

The regime escalated its violent  response as the protests spread.

Snipers were deployed on rooftops,  tanks rolled through city streets,   and air strikes targeted residential neighborhoods  suspected of harboring anti-government activity.

Women in these areas were frequently caught  in crossfire or deliberately targeted.

As the conflict intensified, international  attention increased.

By mid-2011, the United   Nations had imposed a no-fly zone, and NATO began  military intervention to protect civilians.

The   regime s capacity to control cities, suppress  dissent, and isolate opposition weakened.

In this period, the system of fear that had  governed Libya for over forty years began to   collapse.

Neighborhood monitors fled or switched  sides, revolutionary committees lost authority,   and security forces disintegrated  under sustained opposition pressure.

The final phase of the regime s collapse was  concentrated around Sirte, Gaddafi s hometown and   last stronghold.

Opposition fighters, supported  in part by local civilians and NATO assistance,   advanced into the city throughout October  2011.

By October 20, Gaddafi was killed   while attempting to flee.

And the constant fear  of public punishment for women finally ended.

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Muslim Teacher Faces Execution for Reading the Bible — Then Jesus Did the Unbelievable – YouTube

Transcripts:
My name is N Jan.

It means light of the world in my language.

I did not choose this name.

My mother gave it to me 32 years ago in Kabul, Afghanistan.

She could not have known then what that name would come to mean.

She could not have known that one day I would meet the true light of the world in the darkest place imaginable.

Two years ago, I was sentenced to death by stoning in Afghanistan.

The charge was apostasy, leaving Islam, following Jesus Christ.

Today, I stand before you alive and free, and I want to tell you how I got here.

I want to tell you what God did.

But to understand the miracle, you must first understand the darkness.

Let me take you back to August 2021.

That was when everything changed for Afghanistan and for me.

>> Hello viewers from around the world.

Before Nor shares her story, we’d love to know where you’re watching from so we can pray for you and your city.

Thank you and may God bless you as you listen to this powerful testimony.

>> I was a teacher.

I had been teaching for 8 years at a girl’s school in Cabbell.

I taught literature and history to girls aged 12 to 16.

I loved my work.

I loved seeing their faces light up when they understood something new.

When they read a poem that moved them.

When they realized that learning could open doors they never knew existed.

These girls were hungry for education.

Their mothers had lived under Taliban rule before.

In the 1990s, when women could not work, could not study, could barely exist outside their homes, these mothers wanted different lives for their daughters, and I was helping give them that chance.

Then the Taliban returned.

I remember the day, August 15th.

I was preparing lessons for the new school year.

We were supposed to start in 2 weeks.

I had my lesson plans laid out on my desk.

I had borrowed new books from the library.

I was excited.

Then my father came home early from his shop, his face gray with fear.

He turned on the television.

We watched the news together.

The government had fallen.

The president had fled.

The Taliban were entering Kabul.

My mother began to cry.

She remembered.

She had lived through their rule before.

She knew what was coming.

Within days, everything changed.

The music stopped playing in the streets.

The colorful advertisements came down from the walls.

Women disappeared from television.

The news anchors were all men now, all with long beards, all wearing turbons.

Then came the decrees.

Women must cover completely.

Women cannot work in most jobs.

Women cannot travel without a male guardian.

And then the one that broke my heart, girls cannot attend school beyond the sixth grade.

Just like that, my job was gone.

Just like that, the futures of millions of girls were erased.

I will never forget going to the school one last time to collect my things.

The building was empty.

The classrooms where girls had laughed and learned were silent.

I walked through the halls and I felt like I was walking through a graveyard.

These were not just rooms.

These were dreams that had died.

I stood in my classroom and I looked at the empty desks and I wept.

I thought of Miam who wanted to be a doctor.

I thought of Fatima who wrote poetry that made me cry.

I thought of little Zara, only 12, who asked more questions than anyone I had ever taught.

What would happen to them now? What would happen to their dreams? I took my books home in a bag.

I felt like I was smuggling contraband.

In a way, I was.

Knowledge had become contraband.

Learning had become rebellion.

The next months were suffocating.

My world became smaller and smaller.

I could not work.

I could not go out without my brother or my father.

I had to wear the full burka, the one that covers everything, even your eyes behind a mesh screen.

I felt like a ghost, like I did not exist.

I would see women beaten in the streets by the Taliban’s religious police for showing a bit of ankle, for laughing too loudly, for walking without a male guardian.

I saw fear everywhere.

The city that had been coming alive after years of war was dying again.

But it was not just the rules that suffocated me.

It was the cruelty behind them.

It was the way they justified it all with Islam.

I had grown up Muslim.

I had prayed five times a day.

I had fasted during Ramadan.

I had read the Quran.

I believed in Allah.

But this this did not feel like the faith I knew.

This felt like something else.

Something dark and angry and hateful.

I started having questions.

Questions I could not ask anyone.

Questions that felt dangerous even to think.

Is this really what God wants? Does God really hate women this much? Does God really want half of humanity to be invisible, to be nothing, to be prisoners in their own homes? I would push these thoughts away.

Questioning your faith is dangerous in Afghanistan.

Questioning Islam can get you killed.

So, I kept my doubts locked inside my heart.

And I prayed and I tried to believe that somehow this was all part of God’s plan that I could not understand.

But then something happened that changed everything.

It was January 2022, 6 months after the Taliban returned.

I was at home going slowly crazy with boredom and frustration.

My younger sister Paresa came to visit.

She was crying.

She told me about her friend Ila.

Ila was 16.

Her family had married her off to a Taliban fighter, a man in his 40s.

Ila did not want to marry him.

She begged her family not to make her.

But they had no choice.

The Taliban commander wanted her.

And you do not say no to the Taliban.

The wedding happened.

Ila was crying through the whole ceremony.

She was a child.

A child being given to a man old enough to be her father.

Parisa told me this and she said something I will never forget.

She said that when Leila’s family was asked about it, they quoted a hadith.

They quoted Islamic teaching to justify giving a child to a grown man.

They said the prophet himself had married a young girl.

So this was acceptable.

This was Islamic.

This was right.

I felt something break inside me that day.

I felt angry.

Truly angry.

Not at the Taliban, not at Leila’s family, but at the system, at the interpretation, at the way faith was being used as a weapon to hurt and control and destroy.

That night, I could not sleep.

I lay in bed and I stared at the ceiling and I prayed.

I prayed to Allah and I said, “Is this really what you want? Is this really your will?” I got no answer, only silence.

The silence felt heavier than any answer could have been.

It was shortly after this that the idea came to me.

If I could not teach officially, I could teach unofficially.

If girls could not go to school, I could bring school to them.

I started small.

I contacted three mothers I knew from before.

Women whose daughters had been in my classes.

I told them I could teach their daughters in secret in my home.

just basic literacy and math, just enough to keep their minds alive.

The mothers were terrified.

They were also desperate.

They said yes.

That is how the secret school began.

Three girls in my family’s living room twice a week.

We would tell neighbors we were having Quran study.

We were careful.

We kept the real books hidden.

We had Islamic texts on the table in case anyone came to the door.

But underneath we were teaching literature, mathematics, history.

We were keeping the light of learning alive in the darkness.

Words spread quietly.

By March, I had seven girls.

By May, 12.

We had to move locations constantly.

One week in my home, one week in another mother’s home, always rotating, always careful.

We were like ghosts appearing and disappearing, teaching in whispers.

The girls were so hungry to learn.

They absorbed everything like dry ground absorbing rain.

They asked questions.

They wrote essays.

They solved equations.

They were alive in those moments.

Truly alive in a way they could not be anywhere else in the Taliban’s Afghanistan.

But I was always afraid.

Every knock on the door made my heart stop.

Every stranger who looked too long made me nervous.

The Taliban had informants everywhere.

Neighbors reported neighbors.

Family members reported family members.

One word to the wrong person and we would all be arrested.

The girls could be beaten.

I could be imprisoned or worse.

There were close calls.

Once a Taliban patrol was going door todo on our street doing random inspections.

We were in the middle of a lesson.

We had 30 seconds.

We hid all the books under floor cushions.

We brought out Qurans.

We covered our heads completely.

When they knocked, we were sitting in a circle reading Quranic verses.

They looked around.

They questioned us.

And then they left.

My hands did not stop shaking for an hour afterward.

Despite the fear, I kept teaching.

I had to.

Education was the only hope these girls had.

Without it, they would be married off young, trapped in homes, never knowing what they could have been.

I could not let that happen.

Even if it cost me everything, I had to try to give them a chance.

But as I taught them, something was changing inside me.

The questions I had pushed down were rising back up stronger.

Now I would read the approved Islamic texts we used as cover and I would see things I had never noticed before.

Contradictions, justifications for things that felt wrong.

The more I read, trying to find peace, the more troubled I became.

I witnessed things that haunted me.

A woman beaten in the street for letting her burka slip and show her face.

The Taliban fighter who did it quoted Quranic verses as he struck her.

I saw a young girl, maybe 14, whose hands were cut off for stealing bread to feed her siblings.

They did it in public in the square.

And they called it Islamic justice.

They called it God’s law.

I would go home and I would pray and I would ask, “Is this you? Is this what you want?” The silence from heaven was deafening.

One evening in June 2022, something happened that I think now was God’s hand, though I did not know it then.

I could not sleep.

The questions in my mind were too loud.

I got up in the darkness and I took out my phone.

This phone was my secret.

Most women were not supposed to have smartphones.

The Taliban wanted to control all communication, but I had one bought on the black market, hidden in my room.

I used it rarely and only late at night, connecting to my neighbor’s Wi-Fi that I had hacked the password for.

That night, I opened the phone and I started searching for answers.

I looked for Islamic scholars who might explain things differently.

I looked for interpretations that made sense of the cruelty I was seeing.

I read arguments and debates between different schools of Islamic thought.

Some of it helped a little.

Some of it made me more confused.

Then by accident, I clicked on a link that took me to a website I had not intended to visit.

It was a Christian website in Farsy.

Someone had translated Christian materials into my language.

My first instinct was to close it immediately.

Christians were kafir infidels.

I had been taught this my whole life.

Their book was corrupted.

Their beliefs were wrong.

To even read their materials was dangerous to my soul.

But I did not close it.

I do not know why.

curiosity maybe or desperation or perhaps God’s hand on my heart.

Though I would not have believed that then I read for maybe 5 minutes.

It was about Jesus, about his teachings, about love and forgiveness and peace.

It was simple.

It was beautiful.

It was nothing like what I had been taught Christians believed.

I closed the phone and I tried to forget what I had read.

But I could not forget the words stayed with me.

Over the next weeks, I kept thinking about it.

I told myself I was just curious.

I told myself I was just trying to understand different perspectives to be a better teacher.

I told myself many lies to justify what I was doing.

Late at night when everyone was asleep, I would take out my phone and I would go back to that website.

I would read more about Jesus, about his life, about what he taught.

The more I read, the more confused I became.

This Jesus seemed different from anything I had known.

In Islam, Isa is a prophet, yes, but a distant figure.

Here in these Christian writings, he was something more.

He was close.

He was personal.

He spoke to people with such love and such authority.

He healed the sick.

He defended the oppressed.

He elevated women in a time when women were nothing.

He challenged the religious leaders who used faith as a tool of power.

I found myself drawn to his words in a way I could not explain.

When I read his teachings, something in my heart responded.

It was like hearing a voice I had been waiting my whole life to hear.

But this was dangerous.

I knew it was dangerous.

I was playing with fire.

If anyone knew I was reading Christian materials, I could be arrested.

I could be beaten.

My family could be shamed.

The secret school would be destroyed.

Everything would be lost.

Yet, I could not stop.

By September 2022, I was deep into something I could not pull myself out of.

I had found websites with entire portions of the Bible translated into Farsy.

I read the Gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John.

I read them over and over.

I read about Jesus touching lepers when everyone else rejected them.

I read about him talking to the Samaritan woman at the well, treating her with dignity when her own people shamed her.

I read about him defending the woman caught in adultery, saying, “Let he who is without sin cast the first stone.

” I read the sermon on the mount, “Blessed are the poor, blessed are the meek.

Blessed are the persecuted.

” I read these words in my dark room under my blanket with my phone hidden, terrified someone would hear me crying because I was crying.

These words touched something deep in my soul.

They spoke to the questions I had been asking.

They spoke to the pain I had been feeling.

They spoke to a hunger I did not even know I had.

Still, I told myself I was just learning, just exploring, just satisfying curiosity.

I was still Muslim.

I still prayed the five daily prayers.

I still fasted.

I still believed in Allah.

I was not converting.

I was just looking.

That is what I told myself.

But I was lying to myself.

Something was changing.

Something was shifting in my heart.

A door was opening that I did not know how to close.

In October, I found something that changed everything.

I found a website where I could download a complete Farsy Bible, not just portions, the whole thing, Old Testament and New Testament, everything.

There was a download button right there on the screen.

I stared at that button for a long time.

My hand hovered over it.

I knew that if I pressed it, I was crossing a line.

Possessing a Bible in Afghanistan was dangerous.

Possessing it as a Muslim was apostasy.

If anyone found it, I could be killed.

But I wanted it.

I wanted to read more.

I wanted to understand.

I wanted to know the truth.

Whatever the truth was, I told myself I would just download it, just read it, just satisfy my curiosity, and then I would delete it.

no one would ever know.

So, I pressed the button.

The file downloaded.

I saved it in a hidden folder on my phone, disguised with a different name.

I held my phone in my hands, and I felt like I was holding a bomb.

This little device now contained something that could end my life.

I did not read it that night.

I was too afraid.

I put the phone away and I tried to sleep, but sleep would not come.

The next afternoon, I was alone in my room.

Everyone else was out.

I locked my door.

I took out my phone.

I opened the hidden folder.

I opened the Bible file.

And I started reading.

I started with Genesis, with creation, with God speaking light into darkness.

I read for hours.

I lost track of time.

I was absorbed in these ancient words, these stories I had heard about but never really known.

the flood, Abraham, Moses, the Exodus, the prophets.

Then I moved to the New Testament, back to the Gospels I had read before, but now with more context, more depth.

I read Acts about the early church about persecution, about believers being scattered, but faith spreading anyway.

I read Paul’s letters.

Romans, Corinthians, Ephesians, words about grace, about faith, about love, about freedom in Christ.

I did not understand everything.

Some of it was confusing.

Some of it seemed to contradict what I had been taught.

But some of it was so clear, so beautiful, so true that I felt it in my bones.

By December 2022, I had read the entire Bible once.

I was reading it again.

I had also found something else, an audio Bible.

Someone had recorded the entire Farsy Bible, every book, every chapter, every verse read aloud by native speakers.

I downloaded it onto a small USB drive I had bought.

This was safer than having it on my phone.

A USB drive could be hidden more easily.

It could be destroyed more quickly if needed.

I would listen to it at night lying in bed with tiny earphones hidden under my headscarf.

I would listen to the words washing over me in the darkness.

I would hear the voice reading Isaiah, Psalms, the Gospels, Revelation.

I would fall asleep to these words.

I would wake up to them.

They became the soundtrack of my secret life.

One night in late December, I was listening to the book of John, chapter 14.

Jesus was speaking to his disciples, comforting them, telling them not to be afraid.

Then I heard these words.

I am the way, the truth, and the life.

No one comes to the father except through me.

I sat up in bed.

I rewound and listened again and again.

These words struck me like lightning.

Jesus was not just claiming to be a prophet.

He was claiming to be the only way to God, the only truth, the only life.

This was not something a prophet would say.

This was something God would say.

I felt something crack inside me.

A wall I had been building to protect myself, to keep myself safe, to stay in the religion I had been born into.

That wall was crumbling.

And on the other side was Jesus looking at me, calling me.

I was terrified.

I was exhilarated.

I was confused.

I was more certain than I had ever been about anything all at the same time.

I did not sleep that night.

I lay in darkness listening to the audio Bible and I wrestled with God.

I wrestled with the truth.

I wrestled with what this all meant.

If Jesus was who he said he was, then everything changed.

Everything.

My life, my faith, my identity, my future, everything.

By the time dawn came, I was exhausted.

But something had shifted.

I did not have all the answers.

I did not understand everything.

But I knew one thing.

I believed Jesus was real.

I believed he was who he said he was.

I believed he was calling me.

I just did not know what to do about it.

The next days and weeks were a blur of confusion and fear and strange peace all mixed together.

I kept teaching the girls.

I kept living my outward Muslim life.

But inwardly, I was changing.

I was becoming someone new, someone I did not fully recognize yet.

I wanted to talk to someone about what I was feeling.

But who could I tell? My family would disown me.

My friends would report me.

The girls I taught would be horrified.

I was completely alone with this secret.

Alone except for Jesus, who was somehow becoming more real to me than anything else in my life.

It was January 2023 when something happened that I think now was God preparing me for what was coming.

We had a close call with the secret school.

Very close.

We were teaching in a house on the east side of the city.

Nine girls were there.

We were in the middle of a mathematics lesson.

Suddenly, we heard shouting outside.

Taliban trucks.

A raid on the house next door.

They were looking for someone.

Some man they suspected of working with the former government.

We froze.

The girls looked at me with terror in their eyes.

If the Taliban searched this house too, we were all finished.

I made a quick decision.

I told the girls to hide the books under floor cushions.

I told them to sit in a circle.

I brought out a Quran.

I told them to bow their heads like we were praying.

They obeyed immediately.

We sat there in that circle, heads bowed.

And I heard the Taliban next door breaking down the door, shouting, dragging someone out.

We heard a man screaming.

We heard gunshots.

We heard a woman crying.

And we sat there, heads bowed, pretending to pray, barely breathing.

I do not know what made me do what I did next.

I should have recited Quranic verses.

I should have said Muslim prayers.

But instead, in my mind, I prayed to Jesus.

I prayed desperately.

I prayed, “Jesus, if you are real, if you hear me, please protect us.

Please hide us.

Please do not let them come here.

” We sat like that for what felt like hours, but was probably 10 minutes.

The noise next door continued, shouting, breaking glass, a woman weeping, but no one came to our door.

No one knocked.

No one searched our house.

Eventually, we heard the trucks drive away.

We heard silence.

I opened my eyes.

The girls opened theirs.

We looked at each other.

We were alive.

We were safe.

They thought we had just been lucky.

But I knew something different.

I knew someone had heard my prayer.

Someone had protected us.

That was the day I stopped lying to myself about what was happening.

That was the day I admitted the truth that was growing in my heart.

I believed in Jesus.

Not just as a prophet, as my Lord, as my savior, as the son of God.

I still did not tell anyone.

I still lived outwardly as a Muslim.

I still prayed the five prayers, though my heart was elsewhere.

I still fasted during Ramadan, though I felt like a hypocrite.

I was living a double life and it was exhausting.

But what choice did I have? To confess faith in Christ in Afghanistan was to choose death.

So I kept my secret.

I kept teaching.

I kept reading the Bible in hidden moments.

I kept listening to the audio Bible at night.

I kept praying to Jesus when no one could hear me.

And I kept hoping that somehow someday I would find a way to live honestly, to live as the person I was becoming.

I did not know then that my time was running out.

I did not know that someone was watching me.

I did not know that soon everything would fall apart and I would face the choice I had been avoiding, Christ or death.

But God knew he was preparing me.

He was strengthening me.

He was getting me ready for what was coming.

The storm was gathering.

I just could not see it yet.

Asked two, the hidden word.

It was February 2023 when I first prayed to Jesus out loud.

I know the exact date because it was the anniversary of my father’s heart attack 3 years before.

He had survived, but that day always brought back memories of fear and helplessness.

That morning, I was alone in my room, and I felt overwhelmed with gratitude that my father was still alive.

Without thinking, without planning, I knelt down and I whispered, “Thank you, Jesus.

Thank you for my father’s life.

” The words came out before I could stop them.

And the moment they left my mouth, something changed.

Speaking his name aloud made it real in a way that thinking it never had.

It was like a door had opened between my inner world and my outer world.

For months, Jesus had been my private secret.

Now I had spoken to him out loud in my room in Kabell, Afghanistan, where speaking that name could get me killed.

My heart was pounding.

I looked around as if someone might have heard me even though I was alone.

But along with the fear came something else.

Peace.

A deep unexplainable peace that filled my chest and spread through my whole body.

I stayed kneeling there for a long time just feeling that peace, just being in that presence.

From that day on, I began praying to Jesus regularly, always in secret, always in whispers, always when I was sure no one could hear.

I would pray in the morning before anyone else woke up.

I would pray at night after everyone was asleep.

I would pray during the day if I found myself alone for even a few minutes.

I would lock my door or hide in the bathroom or stand in the kitchen pretending to cook while I whispered prayers to the God I was coming to know.

I was still outwardly Muslim.

I still went through all the motions.

Five times a day, I would wash and face Mecca and go through the physical movements of Islamic prayer.

But my heart was not in it anymore.

My heart was somewhere else.

My heart was with Jesus and I felt guilty about the deception.

But I did not know what else to do.

To stop praying as a Muslim would raise questions I could not answer.

To start praying as a Christian would mean death.

So I lived this double life.

And it was exhausting and terrifying and also strangely beautiful because even though I was alone, I did not feel alone.

Even though I was hiding, I felt seen.

Jesus was with me.

I could not explain it.

I just knew it.

I felt his presence.

When I prayed to him, I felt like someone was actually listening.

When I read his words, I felt like someone was actually speaking to me.

It was intimate and real in a way I had never experienced in all my years of practicing Islam.

Around this time, I started memorizing scripture.

I did this partly for practical reasons.

I could not always have my phone or USB drive with me.

If someone discovered them, I would be exposed.

But if I had scripture in my heart, no one could take that away from me.

I could carry it safely.

I could access it any time.

And so I began committing verses to memory.

The first passage I memorized was Psalm 23.

I had read it dozens of times.

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