
Muammar Gaddafi s rise brought a kind of control, where women, in particular, were singled out, punished, and humiliated in public in unimaginable ways.
The memory of that fear left a mark on generations of Libyan women.
And the scars of this control are still remembered today.
Before Gaddafi even took power, Libya was a country where social rules mattered more than written laws.
Under King Idris I, who ruled from 1951 to 1969, the state was weak and distant from daily life.
Courts existed, but most disputes were handled through families, tribes, and local religious leaders.
A person s reputation determined how they were treated far more than any legal ruling.
For Libyan women, reputation was everything.
A woman s future depended on how she was viewed by her community.
Marriage prospects, safety, and family honor were all tied to public perception.
If a woman was accused of immoral behavior, even without proof, the damage was often permanent.
Families could refuse to defend her to avoid being shamed themselves.
Marriage offers could disappear overnight.
In some cases, families were forced to move to escape the stigma.
There was no official way to clear a woman s name once it was questioned publicly.
Gaddafi came into this system on September 1, 1969, when he led a group of young army officers and carried out a military coup against King Idris I.
The king was not in Libya at the time.
He was in Turkey for medical treatment, which left the government unprepared and unable to respond.
The coup was completed in less than twenty-four hours.
Radio stations, military bases, and government buildings were taken without major fighting.
By morning, the monarchy that had ruled Libya since independence was gone.
Immediately after taking power, the new regime suspended Libya s 1951 constitution.
This document had provided basic legal protections, including limits on government power and the existence of courts that could review state actions.
Parliament was dissolved, political parties were banned, and judges were removed from cases involving national security.
These steps happened quickly, before any public debate could occur.
From that moment on, there was no independent legal system left to protect citizens from the state.
Power shifted away from laws and toward revolutionary authority.
Gaddafi and the officers who supported him claimed they represented the will of the people, but no elections were held to prove this.
Instead, decisions were made by military councils and later by revolutionary committees.
These bodies were not bound by legal rules.
They answered only to the revolution and, ultimately, to Gaddafi himself.
Gaddafi described the coup as a moral reset for the country.
He claimed that Libya needed to be purified from corruption, foreign influence, and disloyal behavior.
Under this new thinking, loyalty became more important than evidence.
Being accused of opposing the revolution was treated as proof of guilt.
Courts were no longer needed because the revolution itself was presented as the highest form of justice.
This change was especially dangerous for women.
Under the old system, even though protections were limited, accusations still required some form of legal process.
After 1969, that barrier disappeared.
Accusation alone was enough to bring punishment.
A rumor, a complaint, or an anonymous report could trigger an investigation and public exposure.
There was no clear way to defend oneself or appeal a decision.
At the same time, Gaddafi publicly claimed that women would benefit from the new order.
He spoke about expanding education for girls, allowing women to work, and freeing them from what he described as old traditions.
These statements helped him gain support and gave the impression of progress.
However, this image hid a deeper shift in how women were viewed by the state.
Between 1971 and 1975, Gaddafi built a new system to control everyday life in Libya.
This system relied on groups known as revolutionary committees.
These committees were placed inside universities, secondary schools, government offices, factories, and residential neighborhoods.
Their members were usually loyal supporters of the regime, not trained judges or legal officials.
They did not follow court procedures and were not required to present evidence.
Their authority came directly from the revolution.
The role of these committees was to monitor behavior and report anything that appeared disloyal or improper.
Meetings were held regularly where individuals could be named, accused, and questioned in front of others.
There was no clear rule about what counted as a violation.
This lack of definition gave the committees full freedom to act.
Women quickly became a main focus of this system.
Female students and young working women were especially vulnerable because they were visible in public spaces such as schools, universities, and offices.
Many were accused of moral violations rather than political crimes because moral accusations were more damaging and easier to make.
A woman could be accused of behaving improperly, rejecting revolutionary values, or copying foreign customs without any proof.
Once accused, a woman was often summoned to a public setting.
This could be a classroom, a lecture hall, a workplace meeting, or a neighborhood gathering.
The accusation was read aloud in front of people she knew.
Teachers, coworkers, classmates, and neighbors were forced to listen.
The woman was expected to stand silently while her character was attacked.
There was no opportunity to defend herself or question the accusation.
These public denouncements were planned carefully.
They were not spontaneous reactions.
They were meant to humiliate and isolate.
By punishing women in front of their peers, the regime ensured that the damage would follow them beyond the event itself.
Afterward, classmates avoided them.
Employers lost trust.
Families felt pressure to distance themselves to avoid being targeted.
Even when no physical punishment followed, the consequences were severe.
The state learned that public exposure was more effective than imprisonment.
Fear spread faster when everyone saw what happened.
In March 1977, Gaddafi announced that Libya was no longer a republic but a Jamahiriya, which he described as a state run directly by the people.
In reality, this change removed what little legal structure still existed.
Courts had already been weakened, and this declaration placed all real power in the hands of Gaddafi and the revolutionary committees.
There were no checks on authority.
Decisions about guilt and punishment were no longer tied to written law or independent judges.
That same year, the regime introduced public execution as a regular tool to control society.
Executions were planned, announced, and carried out in open spaces where large crowds could gather.
Locations included city squares in Tripoli and Benghazi, football stadiums, and university campuses.
These places were chosen because they were familiar and symbolic, especially schools and universities, which the regime saw as centers of possible resistance.
Attendance at these executions was often mandatory.
School administrators were ordered to send students.
University staff were instructed to bring entire classes.
Workers in nearby offices were told to leave their desks and watch.
Refusing to attend could raise suspicion and lead to investigation.
Some executions were broadcast on state television.
Cameras focused on the event, while government announcers explained that the condemned were traitors, enemies of the revolution, or agents of foreign powers.
There was no mention of trials, evidence, or defense.
Women accused of political crimes were executed alongside men.
These accusations often involved claims of opposing the revolution, spreading forbidden ideas, or maintaining ties with groups outside the country.
When women were executed publicly, the impact was different and deeper.
By killing women in public, the regime sent a message that no social role or cultural protection could shield anyone from punishment.
The state media framed these women not only as political enemies but also as morally corrupt.
Their executions were presented as proof that they had betrayed social values, not just the government.
This portrayal damaged their families as well.
Relatives were quietly blamed and watched closely afterwards.
Entire households could fall under suspicion because of one accused woman.
Families were strictly warned not to show grief.
Funerals were restricted or denied.
Crying in public, wearing black, or speaking about the dead could lead to arrest.
In some cases, families were forced to remain silent for years.
The goal was to erase sympathy and prevent the condemned from becoming symbols of resistance.
From the late 1970s onward, Gaddafi s government made detention without trial a routine method of control.
Arrests no longer required clear charges, court orders, or evidence.
Security forces, intelligence officers, and revolutionary committees could detain someone based on suspicion alone.
For women, this often had nothing to do with their own actions.
Guilt was extended through family ties.
If a husband, brother, father, or even a distant relative was accused of opposing the regime, female family members could be taken as a warning to others.
This practice was meant to break families and discourage any form of dissent by making the cost personal and unpredictable.
Many of these women were taken during night raids.
Security agents arrived without uniforms, often in unmarked vehicles, and removed women from their homes in front of children and neighbors.
No arrest documents were provided.
In most cases, families were not told where the woman was being taken or why.
This uncertainty was intentional.
By denying information, the state created fear not only for the detainee but for everyone connected to her.
Some women were held in major prisons, while others were placed in smaller, unofficial detention centers run directly by intelligence agencies or revolutionary committees.
These facilities were not listed in public records.
Conditions were harsh.
Cells were overcrowded, sanitation was poor, and access to medical care was limited or nonexistent.
Contact with the outside world was usually forbidden.
Letters were blocked, visits were denied, and lawyers were not allowed.
Detention periods were undefined.
Some women were held for months without questioning.
Others remained imprisoned for years without ever being formally charged.
The lack of a timeline was part of the punishment.
Not knowing when or if release would come created constant psychological pressure.
Women were kept in a state of fear, unable to plan for the future or even understand what was expected of them to regain their freedom.
In some cases, women were later brought back into public view.
They might be forced to appear at public denunciations, televised confessions, or revolutionary meetings where they were accused of betrayal or moral corruption.
Other women simply disappeared.
Their families never received confirmation of death or release.
The absence of information became a permanent wound.
During the 1980s, Libya faced growing opposition from various groups.
Islamist movements, which had existed quietly in the 1970s, became more organized and vocal.
Some members of these groups criticized the government for restricting religion and traditional values, while others opposed Gaddafi s political control.
At the same time, Libyans living abroad, including former government officials, military officers, and students, began speaking openly against the regime.
They wrote pamphlets, held meetings in neighboring countries like Egypt and Tunisia, and sometimes tried to coordinate resistance inside Libya.
The regime viewed all of this activity as a serious threat.
The increase in opposition created fear among the leadership.
Gaddafi s security forces were aware that these groups could influence people inside the country, even without being physically present.
The authorities worried that members of these opposition networks could inspire protests, organize attacks, or spread ideas that challenged the government.
The regime also feared that any visible support for these groups, even from family members, could weaken its control.
This period marked a shift in how the regime treated dissent.
It was no longer enough to watch individuals suspected of opposing the government.
The state began to pay attention to the wider networks surrounding them, including their families.
Women, in particular, became targets because the government knew their social roles connected them to male relatives.
By controlling or punishing women connected to opposition figures, the state aimed to weaken support for political groups and prevent the spread of dissent.
After international sanctions were imposed on Libya in the early 1990s, the country faced severe economic collapse, but the public punishments still didn t stop.
The sanctions were a response to the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988, and other international concerns about Libya s support for terrorism.
These sanctions blocked Libya from accessing oil revenue, foreign banking, and trade, which were the main sources of income for the state.
As a result, basic goods became scarce, including food, fuel, and medical supplies.
Hospitals, schools, and public services struggled to operate.
The population became heavily dependent on what the government could still provide.
This dependence gave the state more leverage over ordinary citizens, making any form of disobedience or dissent even riskier.
During this period, the public punishment of women continued, but it shifted in scale and method.
Large, televised executions or mass public humiliations became less common.
Instead, the regime relied on smaller, localized punishments that took place in workplaces, schools, neighborhoods, and local community centers.
These events were carefully controlled and aimed at those immediately surrounding the accused.
By focusing on local spaces, the regime made the punishment more intimate, ensuring that women would feel the consequences directly in their daily lives.
Women could be accused of many different offenses under this system.
Speaking with foreign journalists, even for seemingly harmless reasons, could be interpreted as a betrayal of the state.
Criticizing the shortages of food, medicine, or fuel in conversations at the market, school, or workplace could also trigger punishment.
Attendance at unofficial gatherings, meetings not sanctioned by the state, social events outside government control, or religious gatherings seen as suspicious, was another common reason women were targeted.
In each case, the accusations did not require proof.
The terror reached its height in June 1996, when one of the most infamous events in modern Libyan history took place at Abu Salim prison in Tripoli.
More than 1,200 prisoners were killed in a single massacre.
The prisoners had been detained for years for a variety of reasons, including political opposition, suspected ties to Islamist movements, or even family connections to exiled dissidents.
Abu Salim was a high-security prison, notorious for its harsh conditions, lack of legal oversight, and routine use of torture.
Yet the scale of the June massacre was unprecedented.
Guards and security forces carried out the killings in secret, and the regime successfully concealed the event from the public for many years.
Women became central figures in the aftermath, even though the massacre itself primarily targeted men.
Mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters began asking questions, demanding answers from a government that refused transparency.
In Libyan society, women were often expected to be silent in political matters, but the loss of so many men forced women to step into public roles.
They visited prisons, spoke with authorities, and tried to organize petitions, protests, or informal gatherings to learn the truth.
These actions made them highly visible to the regime, which interpreted their demands for justice as a challenge to state authority.
The state responded with intimidation.
Women who protested were threatened with arrest, detention, or surveillance.
Some were forcibly taken to interrogation centers and questioned about their motives and associations.
Others were publicly humiliated in neighborhoods or workplaces, labeled as spreading false information or as troublemakers.
In addition to direct intimidation, the regime used social pressure to control women s responses.
Neighbors, coworkers, and extended family members were warned not to support or speak to women seeking information about Abu Salim.
This created isolation and fear.
Many women found themselves ostracized, their reputations questioned, and their families at risk simply for asking questions about loved ones who had disappeared.
However, Gaddafi s brutality could not last long.
And in February 2011, the wave of uprisings that began in Tunisia and Egypt reached Libya.
The demonstrations were initially small but spread quickly across cities, towns, and neighborhoods.
People demanded political freedom, an end to corruption, and accountability for decades of oppression.
Across Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, and other cities, women organized marches, created networks to coordinate protests, and distributed leaflets detailing government abuses.
They used mobile phones, social media, and satellite phones to document violent crackdowns, arrests, and instances of public humiliation.
Even in the most conservative regions, women joined alongside men, signaling that resistance was a family and community concern, not just a political one.
In Benghazi, which quickly became the epicenter of the opposition, women were among the first to defy curfews and the constant surveillance of Gaddafi s security forces.
They gathered in squares, sometimes with children in tow, chanting slogans against the regime.
Their presence was a direct challenge to Gaddafi s long-standing system, which had relied on social shame to enforce obedience.
The regime responded with tactics that were familiar but now under new scrutiny.
Security forces and pro-Gaddafi militias attempted to discredit female protesters by accusing them of dishonor, moral corruption, and political betrayal.
Rumors were spread through local media and neighborhood monitors claiming that women participating in demonstrations had abandoned traditional values or were acting as agents of foreign powers.
In some towns, women were threatened by local revolutionary committees or intelligence officers, told they would be publicly shamed or detained if they continued to protest.
Male family members were also threatened, creating pressure for women to stop, but the scale of the uprising made these threats less effective than in previous decades.
Despite these tactics, the protests continued to grow.
By March 2011, Benghazi and other eastern cities were effectively outside the control of the central government.
Women played key roles in sustaining the opposition, not only on the streets but in organizing medical aid, food distribution, and shelter for displaced families.
Their actions provided critical support for the fighters who were resisting government forces, especially in Misrata, where prolonged urban combat caused widespread destruction.
Women acted as messengers between frontlines, smuggled supplies into conflict zones, and recorded military movements for the opposition.
The regime escalated its violent response as the protests spread.
Snipers were deployed on rooftops, tanks rolled through city streets, and air strikes targeted residential neighborhoods suspected of harboring anti-government activity.
Women in these areas were frequently caught in crossfire or deliberately targeted.
As the conflict intensified, international attention increased.
By mid-2011, the United Nations had imposed a no-fly zone, and NATO began military intervention to protect civilians.
The regime s capacity to control cities, suppress dissent, and isolate opposition weakened.
In this period, the system of fear that had governed Libya for over forty years began to collapse.
Neighborhood monitors fled or switched sides, revolutionary committees lost authority, and security forces disintegrated under sustained opposition pressure.
The final phase of the regime s collapse was concentrated around Sirte, Gaddafi s hometown and last stronghold.
Opposition fighters, supported in part by local civilians and NATO assistance, advanced into the city throughout October 2011.
By October 20, Gaddafi was killed while attempting to flee.
And the constant fear of public punishment for women finally ended.
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Muslim Teacher Faces Execution for Reading the Bible — Then Jesus Did the Unbelievable – YouTube
Transcripts:
My name is N Jan.
It means light of the world in my language.
I did not choose this name.
My mother gave it to me 32 years ago in Kabul, Afghanistan.
She could not have known then what that name would come to mean.
She could not have known that one day I would meet the true light of the world in the darkest place imaginable.
Two years ago, I was sentenced to death by stoning in Afghanistan.
The charge was apostasy, leaving Islam, following Jesus Christ.
Today, I stand before you alive and free, and I want to tell you how I got here.
I want to tell you what God did.
But to understand the miracle, you must first understand the darkness.
Let me take you back to August 2021.
That was when everything changed for Afghanistan and for me.
>> Hello viewers from around the world.
Before Nor shares her story, we’d love to know where you’re watching from so we can pray for you and your city.
Thank you and may God bless you as you listen to this powerful testimony.
>> I was a teacher.
I had been teaching for 8 years at a girl’s school in Cabbell.
I taught literature and history to girls aged 12 to 16.
I loved my work.
I loved seeing their faces light up when they understood something new.
When they read a poem that moved them.
When they realized that learning could open doors they never knew existed.
These girls were hungry for education.
Their mothers had lived under Taliban rule before.
In the 1990s, when women could not work, could not study, could barely exist outside their homes, these mothers wanted different lives for their daughters, and I was helping give them that chance.
Then the Taliban returned.
I remember the day, August 15th.
I was preparing lessons for the new school year.
We were supposed to start in 2 weeks.
I had my lesson plans laid out on my desk.
I had borrowed new books from the library.
I was excited.
Then my father came home early from his shop, his face gray with fear.
He turned on the television.
We watched the news together.
The government had fallen.
The president had fled.
The Taliban were entering Kabul.
My mother began to cry.
She remembered.
She had lived through their rule before.
She knew what was coming.
Within days, everything changed.
The music stopped playing in the streets.
The colorful advertisements came down from the walls.
Women disappeared from television.
The news anchors were all men now, all with long beards, all wearing turbons.
Then came the decrees.
Women must cover completely.
Women cannot work in most jobs.
Women cannot travel without a male guardian.
And then the one that broke my heart, girls cannot attend school beyond the sixth grade.
Just like that, my job was gone.
Just like that, the futures of millions of girls were erased.
I will never forget going to the school one last time to collect my things.
The building was empty.
The classrooms where girls had laughed and learned were silent.
I walked through the halls and I felt like I was walking through a graveyard.
These were not just rooms.
These were dreams that had died.
I stood in my classroom and I looked at the empty desks and I wept.
I thought of Miam who wanted to be a doctor.
I thought of Fatima who wrote poetry that made me cry.
I thought of little Zara, only 12, who asked more questions than anyone I had ever taught.
What would happen to them now? What would happen to their dreams? I took my books home in a bag.
I felt like I was smuggling contraband.
In a way, I was.
Knowledge had become contraband.
Learning had become rebellion.
The next months were suffocating.
My world became smaller and smaller.
I could not work.
I could not go out without my brother or my father.
I had to wear the full burka, the one that covers everything, even your eyes behind a mesh screen.
I felt like a ghost, like I did not exist.
I would see women beaten in the streets by the Taliban’s religious police for showing a bit of ankle, for laughing too loudly, for walking without a male guardian.
I saw fear everywhere.
The city that had been coming alive after years of war was dying again.
But it was not just the rules that suffocated me.
It was the cruelty behind them.
It was the way they justified it all with Islam.
I had grown up Muslim.
I had prayed five times a day.
I had fasted during Ramadan.
I had read the Quran.
I believed in Allah.
But this this did not feel like the faith I knew.
This felt like something else.
Something dark and angry and hateful.
I started having questions.
Questions I could not ask anyone.
Questions that felt dangerous even to think.
Is this really what God wants? Does God really hate women this much? Does God really want half of humanity to be invisible, to be nothing, to be prisoners in their own homes? I would push these thoughts away.
Questioning your faith is dangerous in Afghanistan.
Questioning Islam can get you killed.
So, I kept my doubts locked inside my heart.
And I prayed and I tried to believe that somehow this was all part of God’s plan that I could not understand.
But then something happened that changed everything.
It was January 2022, 6 months after the Taliban returned.
I was at home going slowly crazy with boredom and frustration.
My younger sister Paresa came to visit.
She was crying.
She told me about her friend Ila.
Ila was 16.
Her family had married her off to a Taliban fighter, a man in his 40s.
Ila did not want to marry him.
She begged her family not to make her.
But they had no choice.
The Taliban commander wanted her.
And you do not say no to the Taliban.
The wedding happened.
Ila was crying through the whole ceremony.
She was a child.
A child being given to a man old enough to be her father.
Parisa told me this and she said something I will never forget.
She said that when Leila’s family was asked about it, they quoted a hadith.
They quoted Islamic teaching to justify giving a child to a grown man.
They said the prophet himself had married a young girl.
So this was acceptable.
This was Islamic.
This was right.
I felt something break inside me that day.
I felt angry.
Truly angry.
Not at the Taliban, not at Leila’s family, but at the system, at the interpretation, at the way faith was being used as a weapon to hurt and control and destroy.
That night, I could not sleep.
I lay in bed and I stared at the ceiling and I prayed.
I prayed to Allah and I said, “Is this really what you want? Is this really your will?” I got no answer, only silence.
The silence felt heavier than any answer could have been.
It was shortly after this that the idea came to me.
If I could not teach officially, I could teach unofficially.
If girls could not go to school, I could bring school to them.
I started small.
I contacted three mothers I knew from before.
Women whose daughters had been in my classes.
I told them I could teach their daughters in secret in my home.
just basic literacy and math, just enough to keep their minds alive.
The mothers were terrified.
They were also desperate.
They said yes.
That is how the secret school began.
Three girls in my family’s living room twice a week.
We would tell neighbors we were having Quran study.
We were careful.
We kept the real books hidden.
We had Islamic texts on the table in case anyone came to the door.
But underneath we were teaching literature, mathematics, history.
We were keeping the light of learning alive in the darkness.
Words spread quietly.
By March, I had seven girls.
By May, 12.
We had to move locations constantly.
One week in my home, one week in another mother’s home, always rotating, always careful.
We were like ghosts appearing and disappearing, teaching in whispers.
The girls were so hungry to learn.
They absorbed everything like dry ground absorbing rain.
They asked questions.
They wrote essays.
They solved equations.
They were alive in those moments.
Truly alive in a way they could not be anywhere else in the Taliban’s Afghanistan.
But I was always afraid.
Every knock on the door made my heart stop.
Every stranger who looked too long made me nervous.
The Taliban had informants everywhere.
Neighbors reported neighbors.
Family members reported family members.
One word to the wrong person and we would all be arrested.
The girls could be beaten.
I could be imprisoned or worse.
There were close calls.
Once a Taliban patrol was going door todo on our street doing random inspections.
We were in the middle of a lesson.
We had 30 seconds.
We hid all the books under floor cushions.
We brought out Qurans.
We covered our heads completely.
When they knocked, we were sitting in a circle reading Quranic verses.
They looked around.
They questioned us.
And then they left.
My hands did not stop shaking for an hour afterward.
Despite the fear, I kept teaching.
I had to.
Education was the only hope these girls had.
Without it, they would be married off young, trapped in homes, never knowing what they could have been.
I could not let that happen.
Even if it cost me everything, I had to try to give them a chance.
But as I taught them, something was changing inside me.
The questions I had pushed down were rising back up stronger.
Now I would read the approved Islamic texts we used as cover and I would see things I had never noticed before.
Contradictions, justifications for things that felt wrong.
The more I read, trying to find peace, the more troubled I became.
I witnessed things that haunted me.
A woman beaten in the street for letting her burka slip and show her face.
The Taliban fighter who did it quoted Quranic verses as he struck her.
I saw a young girl, maybe 14, whose hands were cut off for stealing bread to feed her siblings.
They did it in public in the square.
And they called it Islamic justice.
They called it God’s law.
I would go home and I would pray and I would ask, “Is this you? Is this what you want?” The silence from heaven was deafening.
One evening in June 2022, something happened that I think now was God’s hand, though I did not know it then.
I could not sleep.
The questions in my mind were too loud.
I got up in the darkness and I took out my phone.
This phone was my secret.
Most women were not supposed to have smartphones.
The Taliban wanted to control all communication, but I had one bought on the black market, hidden in my room.
I used it rarely and only late at night, connecting to my neighbor’s Wi-Fi that I had hacked the password for.
That night, I opened the phone and I started searching for answers.
I looked for Islamic scholars who might explain things differently.
I looked for interpretations that made sense of the cruelty I was seeing.
I read arguments and debates between different schools of Islamic thought.
Some of it helped a little.
Some of it made me more confused.
Then by accident, I clicked on a link that took me to a website I had not intended to visit.
It was a Christian website in Farsy.
Someone had translated Christian materials into my language.
My first instinct was to close it immediately.
Christians were kafir infidels.
I had been taught this my whole life.
Their book was corrupted.
Their beliefs were wrong.
To even read their materials was dangerous to my soul.
But I did not close it.
I do not know why.
curiosity maybe or desperation or perhaps God’s hand on my heart.
Though I would not have believed that then I read for maybe 5 minutes.
It was about Jesus, about his teachings, about love and forgiveness and peace.
It was simple.
It was beautiful.
It was nothing like what I had been taught Christians believed.
I closed the phone and I tried to forget what I had read.
But I could not forget the words stayed with me.
Over the next weeks, I kept thinking about it.
I told myself I was just curious.
I told myself I was just trying to understand different perspectives to be a better teacher.
I told myself many lies to justify what I was doing.
Late at night when everyone was asleep, I would take out my phone and I would go back to that website.
I would read more about Jesus, about his life, about what he taught.
The more I read, the more confused I became.
This Jesus seemed different from anything I had known.
In Islam, Isa is a prophet, yes, but a distant figure.
Here in these Christian writings, he was something more.
He was close.
He was personal.
He spoke to people with such love and such authority.
He healed the sick.
He defended the oppressed.
He elevated women in a time when women were nothing.
He challenged the religious leaders who used faith as a tool of power.
I found myself drawn to his words in a way I could not explain.
When I read his teachings, something in my heart responded.
It was like hearing a voice I had been waiting my whole life to hear.
But this was dangerous.
I knew it was dangerous.
I was playing with fire.
If anyone knew I was reading Christian materials, I could be arrested.
I could be beaten.
My family could be shamed.
The secret school would be destroyed.
Everything would be lost.
Yet, I could not stop.
By September 2022, I was deep into something I could not pull myself out of.
I had found websites with entire portions of the Bible translated into Farsy.
I read the Gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John.
I read them over and over.
I read about Jesus touching lepers when everyone else rejected them.
I read about him talking to the Samaritan woman at the well, treating her with dignity when her own people shamed her.
I read about him defending the woman caught in adultery, saying, “Let he who is without sin cast the first stone.
” I read the sermon on the mount, “Blessed are the poor, blessed are the meek.
Blessed are the persecuted.
” I read these words in my dark room under my blanket with my phone hidden, terrified someone would hear me crying because I was crying.
These words touched something deep in my soul.
They spoke to the questions I had been asking.
They spoke to the pain I had been feeling.
They spoke to a hunger I did not even know I had.
Still, I told myself I was just learning, just exploring, just satisfying curiosity.
I was still Muslim.
I still prayed the five daily prayers.
I still fasted.
I still believed in Allah.
I was not converting.
I was just looking.
That is what I told myself.
But I was lying to myself.
Something was changing.
Something was shifting in my heart.
A door was opening that I did not know how to close.
In October, I found something that changed everything.
I found a website where I could download a complete Farsy Bible, not just portions, the whole thing, Old Testament and New Testament, everything.
There was a download button right there on the screen.
I stared at that button for a long time.
My hand hovered over it.
I knew that if I pressed it, I was crossing a line.
Possessing a Bible in Afghanistan was dangerous.
Possessing it as a Muslim was apostasy.
If anyone found it, I could be killed.
But I wanted it.
I wanted to read more.
I wanted to understand.
I wanted to know the truth.
Whatever the truth was, I told myself I would just download it, just read it, just satisfy my curiosity, and then I would delete it.
no one would ever know.
So, I pressed the button.
The file downloaded.
I saved it in a hidden folder on my phone, disguised with a different name.
I held my phone in my hands, and I felt like I was holding a bomb.
This little device now contained something that could end my life.
I did not read it that night.
I was too afraid.
I put the phone away and I tried to sleep, but sleep would not come.
The next afternoon, I was alone in my room.
Everyone else was out.
I locked my door.
I took out my phone.
I opened the hidden folder.
I opened the Bible file.
And I started reading.
I started with Genesis, with creation, with God speaking light into darkness.
I read for hours.
I lost track of time.
I was absorbed in these ancient words, these stories I had heard about but never really known.
the flood, Abraham, Moses, the Exodus, the prophets.
Then I moved to the New Testament, back to the Gospels I had read before, but now with more context, more depth.
I read Acts about the early church about persecution, about believers being scattered, but faith spreading anyway.
I read Paul’s letters.
Romans, Corinthians, Ephesians, words about grace, about faith, about love, about freedom in Christ.
I did not understand everything.
Some of it was confusing.
Some of it seemed to contradict what I had been taught.
But some of it was so clear, so beautiful, so true that I felt it in my bones.
By December 2022, I had read the entire Bible once.
I was reading it again.
I had also found something else, an audio Bible.
Someone had recorded the entire Farsy Bible, every book, every chapter, every verse read aloud by native speakers.
I downloaded it onto a small USB drive I had bought.
This was safer than having it on my phone.
A USB drive could be hidden more easily.
It could be destroyed more quickly if needed.
I would listen to it at night lying in bed with tiny earphones hidden under my headscarf.
I would listen to the words washing over me in the darkness.
I would hear the voice reading Isaiah, Psalms, the Gospels, Revelation.
I would fall asleep to these words.
I would wake up to them.
They became the soundtrack of my secret life.
One night in late December, I was listening to the book of John, chapter 14.
Jesus was speaking to his disciples, comforting them, telling them not to be afraid.
Then I heard these words.
I am the way, the truth, and the life.
No one comes to the father except through me.
I sat up in bed.
I rewound and listened again and again.
These words struck me like lightning.
Jesus was not just claiming to be a prophet.
He was claiming to be the only way to God, the only truth, the only life.
This was not something a prophet would say.
This was something God would say.
I felt something crack inside me.
A wall I had been building to protect myself, to keep myself safe, to stay in the religion I had been born into.
That wall was crumbling.
And on the other side was Jesus looking at me, calling me.
I was terrified.
I was exhilarated.
I was confused.
I was more certain than I had ever been about anything all at the same time.
I did not sleep that night.
I lay in darkness listening to the audio Bible and I wrestled with God.
I wrestled with the truth.
I wrestled with what this all meant.
If Jesus was who he said he was, then everything changed.
Everything.
My life, my faith, my identity, my future, everything.
By the time dawn came, I was exhausted.
But something had shifted.
I did not have all the answers.
I did not understand everything.
But I knew one thing.
I believed Jesus was real.
I believed he was who he said he was.
I believed he was calling me.
I just did not know what to do about it.
The next days and weeks were a blur of confusion and fear and strange peace all mixed together.
I kept teaching the girls.
I kept living my outward Muslim life.
But inwardly, I was changing.
I was becoming someone new, someone I did not fully recognize yet.
I wanted to talk to someone about what I was feeling.
But who could I tell? My family would disown me.
My friends would report me.
The girls I taught would be horrified.
I was completely alone with this secret.
Alone except for Jesus, who was somehow becoming more real to me than anything else in my life.
It was January 2023 when something happened that I think now was God preparing me for what was coming.
We had a close call with the secret school.
Very close.
We were teaching in a house on the east side of the city.
Nine girls were there.
We were in the middle of a mathematics lesson.
Suddenly, we heard shouting outside.
Taliban trucks.
A raid on the house next door.
They were looking for someone.
Some man they suspected of working with the former government.
We froze.
The girls looked at me with terror in their eyes.
If the Taliban searched this house too, we were all finished.
I made a quick decision.
I told the girls to hide the books under floor cushions.
I told them to sit in a circle.
I brought out a Quran.
I told them to bow their heads like we were praying.
They obeyed immediately.
We sat there in that circle, heads bowed.
And I heard the Taliban next door breaking down the door, shouting, dragging someone out.
We heard a man screaming.
We heard gunshots.
We heard a woman crying.
And we sat there, heads bowed, pretending to pray, barely breathing.
I do not know what made me do what I did next.
I should have recited Quranic verses.
I should have said Muslim prayers.
But instead, in my mind, I prayed to Jesus.
I prayed desperately.
I prayed, “Jesus, if you are real, if you hear me, please protect us.
Please hide us.
Please do not let them come here.
” We sat like that for what felt like hours, but was probably 10 minutes.
The noise next door continued, shouting, breaking glass, a woman weeping, but no one came to our door.
No one knocked.
No one searched our house.
Eventually, we heard the trucks drive away.
We heard silence.
I opened my eyes.
The girls opened theirs.
We looked at each other.
We were alive.
We were safe.
They thought we had just been lucky.
But I knew something different.
I knew someone had heard my prayer.
Someone had protected us.
That was the day I stopped lying to myself about what was happening.
That was the day I admitted the truth that was growing in my heart.
I believed in Jesus.
Not just as a prophet, as my Lord, as my savior, as the son of God.
I still did not tell anyone.
I still lived outwardly as a Muslim.
I still prayed the five prayers, though my heart was elsewhere.
I still fasted during Ramadan, though I felt like a hypocrite.
I was living a double life and it was exhausting.
But what choice did I have? To confess faith in Christ in Afghanistan was to choose death.
So I kept my secret.
I kept teaching.
I kept reading the Bible in hidden moments.
I kept listening to the audio Bible at night.
I kept praying to Jesus when no one could hear me.
And I kept hoping that somehow someday I would find a way to live honestly, to live as the person I was becoming.
I did not know then that my time was running out.
I did not know that someone was watching me.
I did not know that soon everything would fall apart and I would face the choice I had been avoiding, Christ or death.
But God knew he was preparing me.
He was strengthening me.
He was getting me ready for what was coming.
The storm was gathering.
I just could not see it yet.
Asked two, the hidden word.
It was February 2023 when I first prayed to Jesus out loud.
I know the exact date because it was the anniversary of my father’s heart attack 3 years before.
He had survived, but that day always brought back memories of fear and helplessness.
That morning, I was alone in my room, and I felt overwhelmed with gratitude that my father was still alive.
Without thinking, without planning, I knelt down and I whispered, “Thank you, Jesus.
Thank you for my father’s life.
” The words came out before I could stop them.
And the moment they left my mouth, something changed.
Speaking his name aloud made it real in a way that thinking it never had.
It was like a door had opened between my inner world and my outer world.
For months, Jesus had been my private secret.
Now I had spoken to him out loud in my room in Kabell, Afghanistan, where speaking that name could get me killed.
My heart was pounding.
I looked around as if someone might have heard me even though I was alone.
But along with the fear came something else.
Peace.
A deep unexplainable peace that filled my chest and spread through my whole body.
I stayed kneeling there for a long time just feeling that peace, just being in that presence.
From that day on, I began praying to Jesus regularly, always in secret, always in whispers, always when I was sure no one could hear.
I would pray in the morning before anyone else woke up.
I would pray at night after everyone was asleep.
I would pray during the day if I found myself alone for even a few minutes.
I would lock my door or hide in the bathroom or stand in the kitchen pretending to cook while I whispered prayers to the God I was coming to know.
I was still outwardly Muslim.
I still went through all the motions.
Five times a day, I would wash and face Mecca and go through the physical movements of Islamic prayer.
But my heart was not in it anymore.
My heart was somewhere else.
My heart was with Jesus and I felt guilty about the deception.
But I did not know what else to do.
To stop praying as a Muslim would raise questions I could not answer.
To start praying as a Christian would mean death.
So I lived this double life.
And it was exhausting and terrifying and also strangely beautiful because even though I was alone, I did not feel alone.
Even though I was hiding, I felt seen.
Jesus was with me.
I could not explain it.
I just knew it.
I felt his presence.
When I prayed to him, I felt like someone was actually listening.
When I read his words, I felt like someone was actually speaking to me.
It was intimate and real in a way I had never experienced in all my years of practicing Islam.
Around this time, I started memorizing scripture.
I did this partly for practical reasons.
I could not always have my phone or USB drive with me.
If someone discovered them, I would be exposed.
But if I had scripture in my heart, no one could take that away from me.
I could carry it safely.
I could access it any time.
And so I began committing verses to memory.
The first passage I memorized was Psalm 23.
I had read it dozens of times.
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