But in September of that year, the stakes were raised even higher when Iraq invaded Iran.

The Iran Iraq war was a military conflict over territorial border disputes.

But the newly formed Islamic Republic saw it as an existential threat.

And once again, Kamei didn’t shy away.

He became deeply involved in Iran’s defense efforts.

Kmeni regularly visited the front lines and advised military commanders.

His presence was not just symbolic but also strategic as he worked tirelessly to ensure that the IRGC and other forces were ready to defend the border at all costs.

But while Kimemeni was out there fighting external enemies, he was also facing threats at home.

In June 1981, his life was nearly cut short.

During his speech at the Abuzar Mosque in Tran, a bomb exploded next to him.

The attack carried out by the opposition group or MEK seriously injured Kamei.

His right arm was permanently damaged which left him unable to use it.

You can clearly understand now that the coalition prior to the revolution was really just a common hatred against the Sha.

Although this newly formed Islamic government acted harshly against those so-called opposition groups, tensions among the people grew.

This was especially evident in the youth and the repercussions for that came in heavily, but that’s a discussion for later.

For now, Ali Khani had fully cemented himself as a key player in the Islamic Republic.

That’s why in October 1981, in the aftermath of the assassination of President Muhammad Ali Rajai, Khmeni was elected as Iran’s third president.

He won by 97% of the vote, a landslide victory.

At the time, only four candidates have been approved by the Guardian Council, a body that screens and approves political candidates in Iran.

His election was historically significant because Kamemeni became the first cleric to assume the presidency, which marked a departure from Ayatollah Kumeni’s initial desire to keep clerics out of the role.

During his inaugural address, Kmeni vowed to eliminate deviation, liberalism, and American influenced leftists from the political landscape.

His presidency was marked by the repression of opposition groups, including violent crackdowns on guerrilla groups, assassinations, and insurrections.

Revolutionary courts executed thousands of insurgents in the early 1980s.

Though by 1982, the government promised to reign in the revolutionary tribunals.

However, various political factions continued to be targeted, and the presidency of Kamemeni became associated with a period of intense political repression.

After a long four years, Kamehamehi was reelected in 1985, receiving 87% of the vote in an election that again had a very limited pool of candidates.

Only three were approved by the Guardian Council.

Kmeni’s presidency coincided with the devastating Iran Iraq war.

His further involvement with the war effort, including his close ties with the IRGC, bolstered his reputation as a leader deeply invested in the nation’s defense.

During his presidency, Kamemeni earned a reputation for meticulous attention to military affairs, budget management, and administrative detail.

Although his presidency was often overshadowed by war and internal strife, Kamei maintained a strong connection with the IRGC, which would later prove to be one of the most powerful pillars of support in his future leadership role.

His presidency also witnessed the beginning of Iran’s contentious relationship with Europe.

Following the Makonos restaurant assassinations, a German court implicated Iranian intelligence officials, leading to a diplomatic crisis between Iran and several European nations.

This period also saw the early stages of Iran’s strained relationship with the West, with Kimemeni at the helm of national responses to these crises.

Now, Kmeni’s rise to supreme leader in 1989 was both surprising and controversial.

At the time, Ayatollah Humeni, the revered architect of Iran’s Islamic Revolution and its first supreme leader, had designated Ayatollah Montazeri as his successor.

But in a dramatic shift, Kumeni dismissed Montazeri, leaving a sudden and significant vacuum at the top of Iran’s political religious hierarchy.

Kamemeni was chosen to fill this void [music] despite lacking the clerical credentials typically required for such a position.

He wasn’t even an Ayatollah yet, let alone a Maria, one of the highest ranking religious authorities in Shia Islam.

To make Kmeni’s elevation possible, Iran’s constitution had to be amended by the Assembly of Experts, the body charged with selecting the Supreme Leader.

This constitutional tweak allowed Kmeni, who was relatively young and hadn’t attained the expected religious status, to assume the role.

On June 4th, 1989, shortly after Humeni’s death, Humeni was formally elected as Iran’s new supreme leader by the Assembly of Experts, securing 60 out of 74 votes.

However, the process wasn’t smooth.

There was a considerable amount of debate within the assembly itself.

Some members argued in favor of a leadership council instead of a single individual, reasoning that no one could fully step into Humeni’s shoes.

This collective leadership model was seen as a way to diffuse power and manage the complexities of post-revolutionary Iran.

But in the end, the proposal was shelved in favor of Kmeni’s appointment.

Interestingly, Kmeni himself seemed reluctant.

He famously expressed his doubts about his suitability for the role, saying that his nomination should make them cry tears of blood.

Yet, despite these initial reservations, Kamei accepted the position, and with the constitutional adjustments in place, his rule began.

At the time, many saw him as a temporary leader, someone who might fill the position until a more suitable figure emerged.

But it didn’t take long for Kmeni to consolidate power and extend his influence far beyond what anyone expected.

Kmeni’s path to power didn’t rely on Humeni’s charisma or religious standing.

Instead, he demonstrated a keen ability to navigate Iran’s complicated internal politics.

He built a group of loyalists across key institutions, most notably within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps or IRGC and the influential clerical establishment of M.

Kamini was adept at balancing various factions within the Iranian political system, making sure no single group gained too much control.

His pragmatic approach ensured that he could keep rival groups in check while strengthening his own position.

As Khmeni’s rule progressed, the office of the supreme leader transformed into what could be described as an omnipotent overseer of the state.

His influence stretched across virtually every aspect of Iranian governance.

He controlled the military, dictated economic policy, and had a decisive say over Iran’s foreign policy.

Khmeni also held significant power over the country’s major political institutions, including the presidency, parliament, and judiciary.

He issued decrees on national matters from the economy to cultural policies and ensured the vision of the Islamic Republic was enforced.

Crucially, Khmeni had been strategic in placing loyalists in key positions throughout the government.

Over his more than three decades as supreme leader, he cultivated a system that revolves around his authority.

His reach extended deep into Iran’s military and security apparatus where the IRGC plays a central role in protecting the regime and projecting Iran’s influence abroad.

Amen’s ability to stay in control for this long was largely due to his political shrewdness and the patronage networks he developed over time making his position virtually unassalable.

Despite lacking the revolutionary aura of Kumeni, Kmeni demonstrated that the real power in Iran doesn’t come from charisma.

It comes from control.

This blend of theocratic governance under Himemeni, though appearing to include republican elements, was firmly anchored in religious rule.

This anchoring would serve him well for decades to come.

As supreme leader since 1989, Kmeni wielded near absolute authority in a system that may appear democratic on the surface but operates under the rigid framework of religious rule.

At the core of this governance is the doctrine of e vaki which as we discussed earlier positions the supreme leader as both the guardian of Iran’s Islamic identity and the ultimate decisionmaker in its political affairs.

While Iran holds elections for positions like president and parliament, these elections exist within a structure tightly controlled by the late Kmeni and the guardian council, a body loyal to him and tasked with vetting all candidates for public office.

This control over the electoral process ensures that only individuals aligned with the regime’s ideology can participate, effectively eliminating meaningful competition.

A clear example of this was seen in the 2020 parliamentary elections where many reformist candidates were disqualified, leaving voters with little choice but to elect hardliners.

The presidency, though an elected office, remained subordinate to Kamei, as evidenced by his decisive control over key issues like foreign policy.

Even when President Hassan Rouani negotiated the 2015 nuclear deal, it was within the parameters set by Khmeni, who later restricted broader engagement with the West.

Kamemeni’s deep suspicion of Western influence, particularly from the United States, consistently shaped the actions of Iran’s elected officials.

Kmeni’s leadership was undeniably authoritarian, with his influence extending through all branches of the government, from the military to the judiciary.

He filled critical positions with loyalists who supported his conservative interpretation of Islam, ensuring that the theocratic principles of the regime remained deeply embedded in both legislation and governance.

For example, the judiciary under Kmeni’s influence enforced Islamic law, often issuing severe punishments for political dissenters.

This was most evident during the green movement in 2009 when millions of Iranians protested the disputed re-election of President Mahmud Ahmad.

Under Hamemen’s orders, the government responded with a brutal crackdown, arresting protesters, beating them in the streets, and placing opposition leaders under house arrest where they remain to this day.

Rather than acknowledging the protesters grievances, Kamemeni labeled the movement a foreign backed conspiracy, a tactic he frequently used to discredit the opposition.

This control extended deeply into the media, where Khmeni’s regime dominated public discourse through state-run outlets that propagated the regime’s narrative.

Independent journalism is nearly non-existent, and those who challenge the regime are often silenced through harassment, imprisonment, or worse.

The government’s tight control over the media is matched by its firm grip on the internet where censorship is widespread.

This made it easy to control the narrative and twist it into anything he liked.

During protests in 2017 and 2019, the regime literally pulled the plug on the entire internet in the country.

No communication in or out.

And this isn’t just a one-off thing.

Any content online that challenges the regime’s narrative got blocked, filtered, or shut down.

If you’re trying to get a different perspective in Iran, you’re not going to find it easily.

The regime controlled the message, and Kamei sat at the top of that pyramid.

However, despite the regime’s efforts, young Iranians often find ways around digital restrictions.

But those caught expressing anti-regime views online face harsh punishment.

A striking example of this control was the near total internet blackout during the 2019 protests against a sudden fuel price hike.

The blackout stifled communication among protesters, allowing security forces to crush the demonstrations with brutal efficiency, leaving hundreds dead.

Kamei’s influence also extended into Iran’s social policies, which reflected his commitment to conservative Islamic values.

His support base, especially in rural areas and within the powerful clerical establishments in M and Mashad, backed his strict enforcement of Islamic codes on behavior and dress.

Women in particular are subject to these conservative policies enforced by the morality police who ensure public adherence to the hijab and gender segregation.

Kamani would also frequently warn of a cultural invasion from the West, portraying Western values, especially those related to personal freedom, as an existential threat to Iran’s Islamic identity.

By framing the Islamic Republic as the last bastion of morality in a secular world, Kamei galvanized his conservative supporters, deepening their loyalty to his leadership.

And don’t think that politics was the only front that Kamemeni [music] instilled his dominion.

No, his influence extended to economic matters.

Kmeni’s economic vision was tightly linked to his broader political ideology which was all about resisting foreign influence and keeping Iran independent.

For decades, Iran has been hit with sanctions from the US and its allies.

And instead of backing down or looking for compromises, Kamei leaned into this challenge.

He championed what he called a resistance economy.

Now, this isn’t just a strategy to survive under sanctions.

It’s a statement.

Kamini saw economic self-sufficiency as crucial for maintaining Iran’s sovereignty.

And in his eyes, relying on foreign investments, especially from the West, was like handing over the keys to the country’s future.

He’d been outspoken in his critique of globalization and Western capitalism, which he viewed as exploitative and morally broken.

To him, these systems weren’t just economic models.

They were part of a broader agenda to weaken nations like Iran.

So instead, Kmeni pushed for an economy that relies on domestic production with a focus on key sectors like agriculture and industry.

And this isn’t just about practicality.

It’s ideological.

Kamei believed that if Iran could build its economy from within, it won’t need to bend to the will of foreign powers.

He framed the economic pressure from sanctions not as a hardship to be pied but as a badge of honor, a symbol of Iran standing strong against Western dominance.

This resistance economy philosophy has not only been imposed on a governmental level as Kamemeni called on ordinary Iranians to embrace austerity to consume less and to produce more locally.

He argued that the hardships caused by the sanctions are worth it if it means protecting the country from foreign control.

For his conservative base, this message deeply resonated.

It’s seen as a moral stand against outside forces.

But there are plenty of critics who point out that this approach has led to economic stagnation.

Industries struggled to modernize.

Foreign investment has been practically non-existent, and everyday Iranians are the ones who pay the price for this resistance.

Still, Kamei held firm to his ideals when he was alive.

To him, opening up to western economic models was a slippery slope that threatened Iran’s very identity and independence.

But it’s not just the economy where Kmeni’s grip was tying.

His control over Iran’s military was another huge part of how he held on to power for so long.

As supreme leader, Kamemeni was the commanderin-chief, and that gave him ultimate authority over the entire military structure, including the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The relationship between Kmeni and the IRGC is mutually beneficial.

Kmeni depended on the IRGC to maintain his rule and enforce his vision of the Islamic Republic both at home and across the region.

In return, he gave them significant influence and autonomy which has allowed them to grow into a powerhouse.

Even during tough economic times, Kamei made sure military spending remained a top priority.

Because for him, a strong military isn’t just about defending Iran.

It’s about asserting Iran’s role as a regional power.

Under Kmeni’s leadership, Iran poured resources into its missile program and other military capabilities that allowed it to project influence throughout the Middle East.

This includes supporting proxy groups like Ezola and Lebanon and militias in Iraq and Syria.

All part of Kmeni’s broader strategy to counterbalance Western and Saudi influence in the region.

This military strategy tied right back into his economic philosophy.

Just like he believed Iran’s economy needed to be independent from the West, Kamemeni saw a strong, self-sufficient military as essential to protecting Iran’s sovereignty and expanding its influence.

The military was key in helping Kmeni enforce this vision, making sure that Iran doesn’t just survive under pressure, but continues to push back against external forces.

Through this combination of economic resistance and military strength, Kamei maintained his hold on power for decades.

While Kimemeni relied on economic resilience and military might to assert Iran’s independence and bolster its regional influence, his domestic policies were marked by a harsh suppression of civil liberties and human rights.

This authoritarian approach was central to how he maintained control over the country as Kamemeni prioritized the survival of the Islamic Revolution over individual freedoms.

But one of the most defining and frankly troubling aspects of Ayatollah Ali Khmeni’s rule is how he dealt with civil liberties and human rights in Iran.

Now if you take a look at what his leadership style was, it was all about maintaining a tight grip on power while pushing this narrative of protecting the Islamic Revolution.

To do that, he leaned heavily on censorship, repression, and surveillance.

For the average Iranian, especially if you’re a woman, a minority, or someone who speaks up against the government, that meant life under Kamemeni was pretty suffocating.

Take the Kurds and the Bahigh for example.

Kmeni’s regime consistently cracked down on these groups.

The Kurdish community has long been pushing for greater autonomy, but every time they’ve done so, they face swift, sometimes brutal retaliation.

And the Baja, well, they’ve had it rough for decades.

Kmeni’s regime saw them as heretics.

And that’s not just a label.

It translates into real systematic discrimination.

They’re blocked from higher education, job opportunities, and even practicing their religion freely.

So, when we talk about how Kmeni’s government has treated its people, these minorities are right at the center of the conversation.

And it doesn’t stop there.

Political disscent absolutely not tolerated.

Think back to the 2009 Green Movement.

Millions of Iranians took to the streets angry about what they believed was a rigged election.

The regime responded with force.

Protesters were beaten, thrown in prison, and some even executed.

Many claimed this was all a foreign plot to destabilize Iran.

But the truth is, this was about silencing voices that challenged his authority.

This was a pattern we’ve seen over and over during his recently ended reign.

Descent equals danger to the regime, and danger is met with repression.

To add to all the other pots he’s had an influence in, Kamemeni had his hands deep in shaping Iran’s youth, too.

From the moment he took power, he understood the importance of controlling education.

Schools in Iran don’t just teach subjects.

They’re infused with the values of the Islamic Revolution.

Religious studies and loyalty to the regime are baked into the curriculum.

and universities, once vibrant places for intellectual debate, are now tightly controlled environments.

Reformist professors, they’ve been pushed out.

Critical thinking that challenges the regime, not encouraged.

But here’s where it gets complicated.

Iran’s youth, especially in urban areas, aren’t necessarily buying into this.

Kamei even went so far as to ramp up efforts to shield young Iranians from Western culture.

He saw it as an existential threat to the Islamic Republic.

Because of this, there’s been a huge push to promote Islamic values and censor Western influences.

But here’s the thing.

The world’s connected now, and young Iranians are very much aware of what’s happening outside their borders.

They’re growing frustrated with the lack of personal freedoms, the economic struggles, and the constant pressure to conform to an ideology that feels increasingly out of touch with their realities.

With his death also comes the opportunity for the youth to break the shackles that imprisoned them and fight for their own version of a free Iran, mirrored in their image.

In this same breath, one could rightly say that Kmeni’s control over Iran’s youth through education mirrored his foreign policy shift.

blending ideological rigidity with pragmatic adjustments to maintain both internal stability and regional influence.

He inherited a region already on the edge and a nation that had just barely survived an 8-year war with Iraq.

Iran was still reeling and the world was keeping a close watch to see what kind of player this new Islamic Republic would become.

Under Kamemeni, Iran’s foreign policy shifted from its earlier revolutionary zeal to a more calculated approach.

Though the country never lost sight of its core ideological goals.

So here’s how it played out.

Right after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran was all about spreading its revolutionary message far and wide.

Kmeni wanted other Islamic nations to throw off their monarchies or dictatorships and establish their own Islamic states.

The slogan was neither east nor west but the Islamic Republic.

And that really summed up the attitude of the time.

But when Kamei took the reigns, it became clear that the revolution couldn’t afford to keep fighting ideological battles on every front.

The Iran Iraq war had devastated the country and Kamei had realized that if Iran was going to survive, it needed to play its cards more carefully.

So while the revolutionary spirit stayed intact, Kamei steered the country towards a more pragmatic, cautious foreign policy, it became all about protecting Iran’s national interests without losing sight of its ideological roots.

A perfect example of this shift, Iran still backed the oppressed and pushed its revolutionary ideals, but it also started making deals with countries that were once considered enemies.

Even as Iran railed against the West, it wasn’t going to jeopardize its own security or economy in the process.

But when it comes to the United States though, Kamei never budged.

In his view, the US was the epitome of everything wrong with Western imperialism, and his foreign policy can largely be seen as an ongoing resistance to American influence.

He called the US Iran’s number one enemy, and his deep mistrust of American intentions was a constant throughout his rule.

Even as Iran grew into a regional power, Kamemen’s anti-American rhetoric only got louder.

He repeatedly labeled the US as the great Satan, a term that perfectly captured his perspective.

This distrust became crystal clear during events like the 2003 US invasion of Iraq.

Even though Iraq and Iran had fought a brutal war in the 80s, Kamei saw the American invasion not as a positive change for the region, but as a direct threat to Iran itself.

For him, it wasn’t about democratizing Iraq.

It was about the US positioning itself for a potential strike against Iran.

And then there’s the 2015 nuclear deal, the joint comprehensive plan of action or JCPOA.

This was a significant moment for Kmeni.

Despite his deep suspicion of the US, he backed negotiations with Western powers to limit Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for lifting crippling sanctions.

We’ll discuss this nuclear program and deal with the US elaborately later, but for now, you need to understand that throughout Kmeni’s life, he never trusted Americans.

Regionally, Kmeni strategy has always been backing Shia movements and using proxy forces to expand Iran’s influence.

Take Hezbollah for example.

Iran’s support of the group began in the 80s and has only strengthened since.

Kamei saw Hezbollah as an essential ally in both resisting Israel and pushing back against US power in the region.

Thanks to Iran’s backing, Hezbollah has become not just a military force, but a significant political player in Lebanon, giving Iran serious influence in the Levant.

Hamas and Palestine is another example.

Despite being Sunni, Hamas has received support from Iran, which showed that Kamemen’s approach wasn’t purely sectarian.

It was also about confronting Israel and opposing US-backed powers in the region.

Under Kamemen’s guidance, Iran entangled itself in proxy conflicts across the Middle East [music] from Syria and Iraq to Yemen.

In Iraq, Kmeni used Shia militias to exert influence, especially after the fall of Saddam Hussein.

Through these groups, Iran has managed to shape Iraqi policies to its favor, ensuring that Tran has a strong foothold in the country.

Yemen’s civil war is yet another front where Iran under Kamemen’s leadership had become deeply involved supporting the Houthi rebels in a proxy battle against Saudi Arabia.

Speaking of Saudi Arabia, Khmeni’s relationship with the Sunni powers of [music] the region, particularly the Saudis, was defined by deep mistrust and rivalry.

Yes, the Shia Sunni divide is a major factor, but it’s also about who will dominate the Middle East.

For Kami, Saudi Arabia with its close ties to the US and its leadership of the Sunni world is a natural competitor to Iran’s aspirations.

In response to US sanctions and Western pressure, Kamei increasingly turned to non-western powers like Russia and China.

China, meanwhile, has become Iran’s key economic partner.

With US sanctions squeezing Iran’s economy, Kamei actively pursued closer ties with Beijing, leading to a 25-year strategic cooperation agreement that promised Chinese investments in Iran’s energy sector.

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