Russia’s air force is collapsing—right now.
In real time.

Warplanes are failing mid-air.
Engines are shutting down.
Bombs are falling off aircraft during takeoff.
And in some cases—Russia is losing jets without Ukraine even firing a shot.
This is the air force that was supposed to dominate the skies.
Instead, it’s breaking itself.
And that’s what makes this such a historic failure Putin can’t hide.
Because when Russia launched its so-called “special military operation” in February 2022, the outcome in the air seemed inevitable.
Western analysts expected Russian air superiority within days.
The Russian Aerospace Forces entered the war with around 1,500 combat aircraft—more than 12 times Ukraine’s pre-war fleet.
It fielded advanced fighters like the Su-35S, Su-30SM, and Su-34, backed by long-range air defenses, strategic bombers, and airborne radar systems.
By most estimates, Ukraine’s air force wasn’t supposed to last a week.
To make matters worse, Ukraine’s fleet was a patchwork of aging Soviet-era aircraft, many poorly maintained after years of underfunding.
But a funny thing happened on the way to air superiority.
Russia has actually done much worse than expected, with its air force deteriorating from month to month during the four years of the war.
You see, the Russian Air and Space Forces (or VKS) entered this war with a fundamental problem: its entire military doctrine was built around a defensive model.
Russian pilots were trained to operate under constant guidance from ground controllers, intercepting incoming threats rather than leading complex offensive campaigns in contested airspace.
When forced to fly deep penetration missions over a country armed with modern
surface-to-air missiles, MANPADS, radar networks, and increasingly capable Western fighter aircraft, Russian aviation revealed structural cracks that no number of planes could paper over.
Unable to suppress Ukrainian air defenses, Russian jets retreated to standoff tactics, but the missions never stopped.
And that relentless tempo is now eating the fleet alive.
The clearest window yet into the VKS’s deteriorating condition came in March 2026, when the Ukrainian OSINT group OsintFlow published a classified Russian military flight safety report covering just three weeks of operations from December 29, 2025, to January 18, 2026.
The document had not been officially acknowledged by Moscow, but it bears all the hallmarks of genuine Russian military internal reporting.
Notably, even the Russian air force’s own unofficial Telegram channel, Fighterbomber, which regularly debunks Ukrainian claims, did not attempt to dispute the document.
What the document reveals is striking.
In a span of less than three weeks, Russian military aviation logged 24 separate incidents across at least 18 airfields and bases.
But these weren’t combat losses from Ukraine, making bold efforts to launch drone strikes deep into Russia.
Instead, they were almost universally mechanical failures, crew errors, and structural problems that brought aircraft down without a single Ukrainian missile being fired.
And the most prevalent problem? Basic engine failure.
Indeed, nine of the 24 events logged involved the same two cockpit warnings: “metal shavings in oil” and “low oil pressure,” followed by throttle reduction, engine shutdown, and single-engine emergency landings.
The affected aircraft ranged from the Su-34 and Su-30SM to the
Su-35S and even transport aircraft like the An-124 and Il-76.
The same failure mode, across entirely different airframes, at different bases, with no common mission type.
The pattern bears all the hallmarks of systemic maintenance and industrial collapse throughout the Russian air force.
The most damning single entry in the document involves Su-30SM2 tail number 91.
On January 4, 2026, the aircraft triggered the “metal shavings in oil, right engine” alert mid-flight, shut down the right engine, and landed at Millerovo air base with only one engine running.
Five days later, a report on the same aircraft showed it experienced the same problem: The same engine, the same alert, the same single-engine landing at Millerovo.
It’s fair to say that Russia botched repairs and returned the aircraft to supposedly active service without fixing the underlying fault.
Aviation expert Anatolii Khrapchynskyi had flagged broader issues in a 2025 interview, explaining that Russia’s loss of access to Ukraine’s Motor Sich and Ivchenko-Progress engine manufacturers in 2014 severely impacted parts of its aviation sector, particularly transport and helicopter fleets, and its import substitution program has struggled ever since.
The repeated failure of Su-30SM2 tail 91 is instead a stark illustration of maintenance and sustainment challenges within the force.
Then things went from the sublime to the ridiculous.
On January 3, 2026, a Su-34 conducting a combat mission against Ukraine experienced something that sounds almost impossible: a FAB-500 guided glide bomb fell off the aircraft at the moment of wheels-up without being commanded.
The bomb, equipped with a UMPK guidance kit, landed a few hundred feet ahead of the runway in the direction of takeoff.
Even more shockingly, the pilot continued the mission anyway as if they didn’t just lose one piece of munitions that would be used to strike Ukraine from afar.
This wasn’t even an isolated event.

Monitoring outlet Astra has tracked at least 10 Russian aerial bombs falling on Russian or Russian-occupied territory in 2026 up to March 5, after noting at least 143 such incidents in 2025 and 165 in 2024.
It turns out that glide bombs, which are arguably Russia’s primary offensive weapon, are spontaneously dropping onto its own territory at a decelerating rate.
The report also documents a Mi-8 helicopter returning to its base at Dzhankoi in occupied Crimea on January 2, 2026, after a night combat mission when there were two loud bangs near the tail boom and a complete loss of yaw control.
The crew brought it in on the third approach using the fixed-wing technique, which is a harrowing recovery normally reserved for aircraft with completely inoperable tail rotors.
Post-flight inspection found a nearly foot-by-foot hole in the tail boom, severed cable runs, a destroyed HF radio antenna, and a flat metal fragment roughly the size of a sheet of printer paper found in the cargo cabin after it had punched through the sliding door and struck the armored plate of the cockpit.
OsintFlow assessed the damage profile as consistent with a fragment from a Russian air defense missile, not combat contact with Ukrainian forces.
In other words, Russian air defense may have shot down its own helicopter.
Just let that settle in for a moment.
Russia at this point is widely considered to have one of the most advanced anti-air systems in the world after investing decades into creating programs that could go toe-to-toe with American designs.
And even if anti-air systems didn’t exactly perform as well as expected, shooting allied planes is a real low.
Of course, there were plenty more so-called incidents during the three-week window in the OsintFlow report, including: An Su-35S that clipped its own hardened shelter gate while taxiing out, damaging its Khibiny electronic warfare pod; A MiG-31BM that blew a main landing gear tire after its drag chute failed; A Ka-52M attack helicopter that suffered a complete hydraulic system failure during a night combat sortie made a forced field landing.
And a Tu-134A transport that cracked its commander’s windscreen just 13 minutes into flight.
Considering their severity and apparent commonalities, it’s safe to say that Russia’s air fleet is trying to perform and make sorties under conditions it was never designed for.
Case in point, the Russian Air Force has actually been flying its aircraft at extreme tempos since its Syria campaign in 2015, and that pace has multiplied several times over since February 2022.
According to the RAND Corporation analysis from 2024, the VKS was flying its aircraft at roughly two to four times their intended annual flight hours.
Now, under normal peacetime usage, an aircraft like the Su-35S would have its Saturn AL-41F1S engine undergo a full maintenance check after approximately 1,000 flight hours.
But in actual wartime scenarios, the plane has to fly in low-altitude and follow terrain to avoid radar, repeatedly use the afterburner to hightail it out of Ukrainian territory after delivering the glide bomb, and maneuver out of enemy anti-air defenses.
The “recommended” maintenance interval suddenly constricts from 1,000 to just 700 or even 500 flight hours.
RAND estimated that overuse alone was costing Russia around 26 aircraft per year in so-called “imputed losses,” meaning aircraft not destroyed in combat but permanently or semi-permanently grounded from metal fatigue and wear.
By late 2023, those imputed losses already numbered around 60 airframes.
By now, that figure is considerably higher.
And it gets worse for Russia.
Open-source intelligence organization Oryx has visually confirmed the destruction or capture of at least 40 Su-34s, up to 8 Su-35s, at least 170 fixed-wing aircraft in total, and around 170 helicopters.
Even Russia’s higher-value assets have not been spared.
Ukraine has shot down at least two Beriev A-50U radar planes, each worth approximately $300 million, using a combination of U.S.
-supplied Patriot surface-to-air missiles and a Soviet-era S-200 long-range missile system operating in unconventional radar-off missile engagement modes.
These A-50s are essentially irreplaceable since Russia doesn’t have the industrial capacity and the ability to import the necessary parts due to sanctions.
The “coup de grace” came in June 2025, when Ukrainian drones struck five Russian airbases housing active strategic bombers deep inside Russian territory in a single night, destroying or heavily damaging at least two Tu-22M and four Tu-95 strategic bombers.
Not only are these assets worth hundreds of millions of dollars each, but they are also one of the primary ways Russia was projecting force through nuclear deterrence.
Operation Spiderweb reportedly damaged or destroyed around 40 military aircraft in total, targeting not just finished aircraft but Russia’s production capacity itself.
Ukraine’s ability to strike these targets, but more importantly to defend itself against a numerically superior enemy, has also been vastly enhanced by the steady arrival of Western aircraft.
Before 2024, Ukraine was flying an aging Soviet-era fleet of MiG-29s, Su-27s, and Su-25s, platforms that Russia knew inside and out and whose tactical limitations were well understood.
But the delivery of F-16s from the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark, and Belgium started to change that equation.

The Netherlands alone completed delivery of 24 F-16s in May 2025, with Norway contributing 14, Denmark committing to 19, and Belgium pledging 30 more by 2028.
France then sent six Mirage 2000-5 aircraft throughout 2025, and Sweden announced a letter of intent in October 2025 to explore the export of up to 150 Saab JAS 39 Gripen-E aircraft.
In particular, the F-16 and Mirages have already been used operationally to intercept Russian cruise missiles.
These aircraft gave Ukraine NATO-standard avionics, radar, and beyond-visual-range missile capability that Soviet-era jets apparently couldn’t match.
Russia, for the first time in the war, found itself facing jets it had no real knowledge of countering.
That uncertainty, combined with Ukrainian point defense networks using Patriot, NASAMS, and IRIS-T systems, has made Russian pilots increasingly reluctant to push into contested airspace at all.
But if you want to learn more about how exactly Western equipment and tactics are making waves in Ukraine, make sure to subscribe to The Military Show.
We post daily videos which cover every development in the war as well as global geopolitics updates.
Beyond Ukraine’s advancement in avionics, Russia’s doctrinal response has basically been a point of contention for Western analysts.
With no way to exert air dominance over Ukraine after failing to do so in the opening months, when the opportunity was greatest, Russia leaned ever more heavily on glide bombs.
These are Soviet-era FAB-500, FAB-1500, and even FAB-3000 bombs fitted with simple guidance and wing kits that let aircraft release them from 20 to 30 miles away and return immediately to safety.
After starting with a steady cascade of a few dozen bombs per week in early 2023, the most recent estimates suggested Russia used as many as 100 bombs per day across the front by the end of 2025.
The strategy has been militarily effective in terms of hitting Ukrainian positions.
But glide bomb sorties don’t eliminate flight hours.
Takeoff, transit to the launch zone, weapons release, and return to base still accumulate wear on every component.
Russia might have found a way to reduce the risk to its pilots while maintaining the operational tempo, but it hasn’t found a way to reduce the wear on its engines.
The leaked flight safety report makes this tragically clear: nine engine failures in three weeks, in aircraft being used primarily for glide bomb delivery runs, is the direct result of flying a degraded fleet at unsustainable rates.
And Russia’s ability to replace or repair those aircraft is collapsing alongside the fleet itself.
A November 2025 report by the Royal United Services Institute titled “Vulnerabilities in Sukhoi Production” laid out the manufacturing crisis in detail.
Russia produced just 9 Su-34s in 2022, rising to 13 in 2023, with a target of only 17 for 2025.
Su-35S deliveries reached 10 out of 12 ordered in 2024.
As such, the annual production of Su-30, Su-34, and Su-35 aircraft combined is around 20 aircraft per year.
Based on the cadence of Oryx reports, that’s barely enough to offset confirmed combat losses, let alone the imputed losses accumulating from overuse.
But the real problem is this: Russia’s increasing isolation.
Production depends heavily on foreign machine tools, specialized electronics, and skilled engineers, many of whom have emigrated.
Sanctions have disrupted access to the precision manufacturing equipment that keeps production lines running: Japanese CNC machines from Sodick at one critical facility were installed in 2017 and are guaranteed accurate for 10 years.
Russia can no longer legally obtain replacements or spare parts for them.
The clock is already running out.
The defense industry crisis described by Defense Magazine in November 2025 goes deeper still.
Russian defense enterprises are operating in what internal documents describe as “manual control mode” — a euphemism for companies managing debt crises by crisis rather than running sustainable operations.
The United Aircraft Corporation, which oversees production of every Russian combat aircraft from Su-35s to Tu-95 bombers, is entangled in hundreds of court cases from unpaid contractors.
Defense contracts are being fulfilled at prices fixed in 2019 while component costs have risen, in the words of internal correspondence, by “tens or even a hundred times.
” Companies are taking guaranteed losses on every delivery.
Workforce mobilization for the war has drained technical workers from production lines.
And the export market that historically subsidized below-cost domestic deliveries to the likes of India, Egypt, Algeria, and Vietnam has nearly vanished.
As a result, Russia’s arms exports collapsed by an estimated 92 percent between 2021 and 2024, according to the Jamestown Foundation.
Egypt cancelled its Su-35 contract.
India chose the French Rafale over the Russian Su-57.
Even countries still nominally interested in Russian aircraft are starting to second-guess the choice, since it’s become quite clear that Russia can’t guarantee delivery timelines or spare parts.
The Su-57’s export prospects have all but evaporated.
The Su-75 Checkmate light stealth fighter, supposedly Russia’s answer to the F-35, has attracted essentially no buyers, with its most likely customer being Belarus — hardly a premium market.
Then there’s the issue of China.
For two decades, China was one of Russia’s best customers, purchasing Su-30MKK fighters and struggling to master jet engine technology it didn’t yet have.
Today, China produces the J-20 fifth-generation stealth fighter and the export-oriented J-35 and is actively marketing its fourth-generation fighters abroad.
So far, only Pakistan has taken delivery of the J-10C, while countries like Iran, Egypt, Indonesia, and the UAE have shown interest or explored potential deals.
For countries that once turned to Moscow for affordable, capable jets, Beijing now offers the same value proposition, all the while its supply chains are unaffected by Western sanctions.
Russia’s position as the world’s affordable alternative to Western military aviation has been comprehensively undercut, and with it, the export revenue that funded next-generation development.
Russia’s civilian aviation industry reflects the same breakdown, and the two sectors are more intertwined than they appear.
The United Aircraft Corporation governs both military fighter production and civilian airliner production, meaning that management decisions, budget allocations, and workforce assignments ripple across both.
In 2022, the Russian government announced a bold target of more than 1,000 new civil aircraft for Russian airlines by 2030.
In the three years since, Russian factories have produced thirteen civilian aircraft in total.
In 2025, Russia delivered a single commercial aircraft out of 15 planned.
Production targets for 2024 and 2025 were slashed from 171 aircraft down to 21, and then cut again due to what officials described as “financing challenges.
” The 1,000-by-2030 goal has since been quietly revised in the Kremlin’s public agenda, with updated plans now targeting just under 1,000 domestically produced aircraft as timelines slip under the weight of sanctions and production challenges.
Meanwhile, Russia’s civilian fleet of over 700 aircraft,
predominantly Airbus and Boeing models, is now dependent on grey-market component sourcing, and Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service has assessed that Russia could lose nearly 30 percent of its civilian aircraft by 2030 as sanctions strangle the spare parts supply.
We’re already seeing some of that collapse start, such as with the An-22 heavy-lift transport that broke in half and crashed near Moscow in December 2025, killing seven people.
The plane was reportedly flying a year past its intended retirement date.
This was likely the last An-22 in Russian service.
Here’s how it all adds up.
The leaked maintenance report, the imputed loss projections, the production numbers, the export collapse, the industrial debt crisis, the workforce shortage, and the civilian aviation breakdown.
Russia’s fleet has managed to start losing a war, but not primarily due to its opponent.
Ukrainian pilots aren’t better at launching more missions.
Instead, Russia is pushing every airplane well past its breaking point, all in an attempt to close out the war that basically ground to a halt by the end of its second year.
Russian President Vladimir Putin can’t hide this collapse indefinitely.
With each engine failure or downed aircraft, the losses will continue to accumulate, and Ukraine’s intelligence services have become adept enough at spotting them to make sure they get accounted for.

The only question now is how much of the fleet is left by the time the war ends.
But the real reasons Russia is collapsing go beyond its air force.
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