This 1896 Studio Portrait Looks Peaceful Until You Notice the Man’s Bandage

This 1896 studio portrait looks peaceful until you notice the man’s bandage.

At first glance, it appeared to be exactly what it was meant to be, a dignified image of a Chinese laborer seated in the formal pose that studios across the American West had perfected over decades.

His hands were folded in his lap.

His expression was neutral, composed, perhaps even serene.

The painted backdrop behind him showed a pastoral scene that existed nowhere near the coalmines of Wyoming.

It seemed ordinary, a keepsake perhaps, sent back to a family in GuangDong Province, or documentation required under the Giri Act of 1892, which demanded that every Chinese person in America carry a certificate of residence with a photograph attached.

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Then Margaret Chen noticed the bandage.

Margaret had been working as an archavist at a regional history museum in Cheyenne for 11 years.

She had processed thousands of photographs from the territorial period, images of miners and ranchers and railroad workers and their families.

Most of them she cataloged quickly and moved on.

But this one, pulled from a donation of estate materials in the autumn of 2019, would not let her go.

The photograph measured roughly 4×6 in mounted on heavy card stock with a gilded border.

The studio’s imprint was barely visible in the lower right corner.

JH Peton, Photography and Portraits, Evston, Wyo.

The subject was a man who appeared to be in his early 30s dressed in a dark wool jacket over a collarless shirt.

His hair was cropped short.

His posture was rigid in the way of someone unaccustomed to sitting for a camera.

and his left hand resting at top his right in the classic pose of tranquility was wrapped in a white cloth bandage.

Fresh gauze bright against the sepia tones of the print.

Margaret adjusted the magnifying lamp over her workt and leaned closer.

The bandage covered the back of the hand and extended partway up the wrist.

It was not the kind of wrapping you would use for a minor cut.

The layers were thick, professional, almost as though applied by someone who knew what they were doing.

And beneath the edge of the cloth, where the gauze did not quite reach, Margaret could see something else.

A mark, dark against the skin, not a bruise, not a natural discoloration.

It had a shape to it, angular and deliberate, the kind of shape that does not happen by accident.

She sat back in her chair and felt the first flutter of unease that would grow over the following months into something much heavier.

This was not just a portrait.

Something in this photograph was wrong.

Margaret Chen had come to archival work through an unusual path.

She had trained as a historian specializing in labor movements of the late 19th century and had written her dissertation on the railroad strikes of 1877.

But academic jobs had been scarce when she finished, and she had taken a position at the Eno Museum as a temporary measure that had somehow stretched into more than a decade.

She did not regret it.

The work suited her temperament, methodical and patient, and she had learned to read photographs the way some people read faces, noticing the small details that revealed what the subject had wanted to hide or what the photographer had accidentally captured.

A wedding portrait where the bride’s eyes were red from crying.

A family group where one child stood slightly apart, excluded from the other’s warmth.

A frontier businessman whose cuffs were frayed despite his prosperous pose.

But she had never seen anything quite like this.

In her experience, studio portraits were constructed to conceal imperfection, not display it.

Photographers in the 1890s understood that their clients wanted to appear prosperous, healthy, respectable.

A man with an injured hand would have been encouraged to hide it behind his back or tuck it into his jacket.

At the very least, he would have waited until the wound healed before sitting for a portrait, unless he could not wait.

Margaret turned the photograph over.

On the back, in faded pencil, someone had written a single line of characters she recognized as Chinese, followed by a date, March 1896.

Below that, in a different hand and darker ink, was an English notation, Chen Yao Lin, Yupol Co.

Rock Springs.

Rock Springs.

The name sent a cold finger down Margaret’s spine.

Anyone who studied Wyoming history knew what had happened in Rock Springs 11 years before this photograph was taken.

The massacre of September 1885 when white coal miners had attacked the Chinese section of town, killing 28 men and burning Chinatown to ashes.

The bodies left in the streets, decomposing, partially eaten by animals.

The survivors numbering several hundred who had fled into the hills and hidden there until federal troops arrived to escort them back to the same mines back to work for the same company that had brought them there as strike breakers in 1875 and had refused to help them escape after the slaughter.

Margaret looked again at the photograph at the man’s composed expression at the careful arrangement of his wounded hand.

Chen Yao Lin, a coal miner, a survivor perhaps of the massacre, and definitely a man with a secret hidden beneath that bandage.

She began to research.

The JH Peton studio proved difficult to trace.

Evston, a railroad town about a 100 miles west of Rock Springs, had maintained a small Chinatown of its own in the 1880s and 1890s.

Chinese contract laborers had been among the earliest residents working on section crews and in the coal mines at nearby Almei.

The 1880 census had listed more than a 100 Chinese in Evston.

By 1896, the population had dwindled, but not disappeared.

Margaret found a reference to Peton in an 1894 business directory.

He appeared to have operated out of a building on Front Street, offering portraits, tint types, and what the advertisement called views of local interest.

There was no indication of any particular connection to the Chinese community, but his studio’s location would have been accessible to workers from the railroad and the mines.

The estate materials that had contained the photograph offered little additional context.

They had come from the family of a collector named Harold Baines, who had died in 2018 at the age of 93.

Baines had spent his career as a civil engineer in Denver, but had grown up in southwestern Wyoming and had, according to his children, maintained a lifelong interest in the region’s history.

He had accumulated photographs, maps, and documents from estate sales and antique shops over several decades.

The providence of any individual item was essentially untraceable.

But Margaret had other resources.

She contacted a colleague at the University of Wyoming, a historian named Dr.

James Okada, who specialized in Asian-American history of the inner mountain west.

When she emailed him a scan of the photograph, his response came within hours.

I need to see the original, he wrote.

And you need to look more closely at that burn.

Margaret met Dr.

Okata at the museum two weeks later.

He was a slight man in his 60s with gray hair and rimless glasses and he handled the photograph with the delicacy of someone who understood exactly what he was looking at.

The bandage is covering a brand.

He said a burn in the shape of a specific mark.

I’ve seen this before in descriptions, never in a photograph.

The company used it on contract jumpers.

Margaret felt the air leave her lungs.

Contract jumpers? men who tried to leave before their debt was paid or who tried to organize or who caused trouble of any kind that the overseers wanted to discourage.

Dr.

Okata turned the photograph toward the light.

The railroad and mining companies would never admit it publicly, but the system of Chinese labor recruitment in the 1870s and 1880s was not as different from slavery as they claimed.

Workers were brought over under agreements they often did not fully understand.

Their passage was paid by labor contractors and they owed that debt plus interest plus fees for housing and food and tools.

The debt never seemed to go down.

And if a man tried to escape or to walk away from a contract he had technically signed voluntarily, there were consequences.

But branding, Margaret said, that’s that’s medieval.

That’s something you do to livestock.

That’s the point.

Dr.

Okata set the photograph down gently.

It marked them, made them identifiable if they tried to find work elsewhere, and it served as a warning to the others.

The companies maintained their own disciplinary systems separate from the law because the law was not interested in protecting Chinese workers.

After Rock Springs, the federal government refused to prosecute anyone for the murders.

The message was clear.

Whatever happened to the Chinese in those camps was not the government’s concern.

Margaret looked at the photograph again at the man’s steady gaze at his hands folded as if in prayer or submission.

Uh, so this man Chen Yaolin, he was branded for trying to leave or for something else the overseers considered a violation.

We may never know exactly what, but he survived it.

And then, for some reason, he went to a studio and had his portrait taken with the evidence still fresh on his hand.

Dr.

Okatada paused.

The question is why? Margaret spent the following months trying to answer that question.

She began with the Union Pacific Coal Company records which were scattered across multiple archives but still partially intact.

The company had maintained detailed ledgers of production, equipment, and expenditures.

What they had not maintained or what had not survived were detailed records of individual workers.

Chinese laborers were typically listed not by name but by gang number with a headman responsible for distributing wages to his crew.

The system made it nearly impossible to trace the career of a single man.

But Margaret found fragments.

An 1895 ledger from the Rock Springs Mines listed a gang 12 working the number four pit with a notation that three members had been transferred to disciplinary duties in November of that year.

A separate document, a medical log kept by the company physician, recorded treatments for burns and contusions among Chinese workers at a rate that seemed impossibly high for a coal mining operation.

The medical log entries were tur clinical Chinese male burned to left hand, debrided and dressed.

Chinese male laceration to back sutured Chinese male contusions to face and torso.

No treatment requested.

The dates clustered in certain months, suggesting periodic waves of injury that did not correlate with mining accidents.

Margaret also found the payroll records.

And here the picture became even darker.

Chinese workers were paid roughly 30% less than their white counterparts for the same labor.

They were charged for their housing and company dormitories.

They were required to purchase food and supplies from company stores at inflated prices.

and they were docked for infractions, lateness, insubordination, damage to equipment, failure to meet production quotas.

A man could work for months and end up deeper in debt than when he started.

This was punage, Dr.

Okata said when Margaret showed him what she had found.

Debt bondage.

It was technically illegal.

The Ponage Act of 1867 had forbidden it, but enforcement was non-existent, especially for workers who could not speak English and had no access to the courts.

The companies knew they could do whatever they wanted.

Margaret nodded slowly.

She had begun to understand the system now, not as a series of individual abuses, but as a structure designed and maintained to extract labor from men who had no realistic way to escape.

The brand on Chen Yaolin’s hand was not an anomaly.

It was a feature.

But there was something else in the records that troubled her.

In the spring of 1896, the same month the photograph was dated, the company had ordered an investigation into what the internal documents called discrepancies in gang 12 payroll dispersements.

The investigation had been conducted by a man named Thomas Coulter, a superintendent with a reputation for efficiency.

His report, dated April 1896, was missing from the archive.

Margaret requested a search of the company’s storage facilities in Omaha.

Two months later, she received a box containing miscellaneous documents that had been misfiled decades earlier.

Among them was a single sheet of paper typed on company letterhead that changed everything she thought she knew.

The Coulter report was brief but devastating.

It described an informal disciplinary system operating within the Rock Springs mines that was not sanctioned by company headquarters, but was, the report suggested, widely known and tacitly approved by local management.

The system involved physical punishment for workers who violated rules or attempted to leave their contracts.

The punishments included beatings, confinement, and in cases of attempted escape, branding with a heated iron tool that bore the initials of the Union Pacific Coal Company.

The report noted that at least 17 Chinese workers had been branded in the period between 1890 and 1896.

It recommended that the practice be discontinued, not out of moral concern, but because it had begun to attract attention from Chinese community leaders who were threatening to contact the Chinese Council General in San Francisco.

The report concluded with a notation that all records relating to the disciplinary system should be consolidated and secured and that the medical logs for the relevant period should be reviewed for accuracy.

Margaret sat in the archive reading room for a long time after she finished.

The euphemisms were transparent.

Consolidated and secured meant destroyed.

Reviewed for accuracy meant falsified.

The company had known exactly what was happening in its minds and allowed it to continue for years and had then moved to bury the evidence when exposure threatened.

But they had not buried everything.

They had not found the photograph.

She thought about Chen Yao Lin sitting in Petton’s studio with his bandaged hand.

Had he known what he was doing? Had he understood that the portrait, sent perhaps to family in China, or kept as proof of his own survival, might one day become evidence of a crime that powerful men had worked to conceal? Or had he simply wanted to be seen, to exist in the historical record as something more than a number in a ledger or a body in a street? Margaret did not know, but she intended to find out.

The trail led her to Evston, where the remnants of Chinatown had long since vanished.

A fire had destroyed the neighborhood in 1922, and no one was entirely certain how it had started.

Some said the Union Pacific had lit it to clear the land.

Others said the last.

Chinese residents, numbering perhaps a dozen by then, had burned it themselves in anger or despair.

The JS House, the elaborately decorated temple that had once been the center of community life, had been dismantled years earlier, and its contents scattered.

But the Uenta County Historical Society had preserved some materials from the old Chinatown.

And Margaret found among them a ledger that had belonged to a man named Aay.

Aay had been a community leader, a translator, and eventually a superintendent of Chinese workers for the Union Pacific.

He had also been a survivor of the Rock Springs massacre and had spent years afterward trying to improve conditions for his countrymen.

The ledger was partly in Chinese and partly in English, and it contained meticulous records of loans, remittances, and correspondence.

Margaret hired a translator to help her work through it.

What they found was remarkable.

Aay had been running an informal documentation project.

He had recorded the names and fates of Chinese workers across southwestern Wyoming, noting who had died, who had returned to China, who had moved to other states.

He had also noted in coded entries that the translator recognized as references to mistreatment which men had been marked by the company.

Chen Yao Lin appeared in the ledger three times.

The first entry dated 1889 recorded his arrival in Rock Springs from San Francisco as part of a labor recruitment.

The second dated November 1895 noted that he had been marked for departure attempt left hand.

The third, dated March 1896, was more cryptic.

Portrait sent, document secured.

Margaret stared at the words, “Portrait sent.

Document secured.” Aay had known about the photograph.

He may have arranged for it to be taken, and he had considered it a document, a piece of evidence worth preserving.

But where had it been sent? And what had happened to Chen Yao Lin afterward? The answers came from an unexpected source.

Dr.

Okata, who had continued his own research into Chinese labor networks of the period, discovered a reference to Chen Yao Lin in the records of a Chinese benevolent association in San Francisco.

The association had received in April 1896 a package containing a photograph and a letter describing the conditions in the Wyoming mines.

The letter was not in the archive, but the association’s minutes noted that the matter had been referred to the Chinese Council General and that a formal protest had been lodged with the US State Department.

The protest had gone nowhere.

The State Department had acknowledged receipt and taken no further action.

The Giri Act had just been renewed for another 10 years.

And the federal government had no interest in investigating abuses against Chinese workers who were, in the eyes of the law, barely tolerated guests in a country that had explicitly closed its doors to them.

But the protest had existed.

Chen Yaolin’s photograph had been part of an organized effort to document and expose what was happening in the Wyoming minds.

He had not sat for that portrait by accident.

He had sat for it as an act of resistance.

Margaret brought her findings to the museum’s board of directors in the spring of 2021.

She had assembled a comprehensive file, the photograph, the Coulter report, excerpts from the ACA ledger, the reference to the San Francisco protest, the medical logs with their coded entries.

She proposed that the museum mount an exhibition centering the photograph in the story it revealed.

The board was not enthusiastic.

The chairman, a retired banker named Robert Whitfield, expressed concern about what he called the political implications.

The museum received funding from several foundations with ties to the energy industry, and some board members worried about alienating donors.

Others questioned whether the evidence was sufficient to support Margaret’s conclusions, whether she might be reading too much into a photograph that showed, after all, only a man with a bandaged hand.

Margaret had anticipated these objections.

She had prepared responses to each of them, but she had not anticipated the depth of resistance she would encounter.

“This is a photograph of a man who was branded like an animal,” she said, keeping her voice steady.

It documents a system of abuse that operated for years with the knowledge and approval of one of the largest corporations in American history.

The evidence is in the company’s own records.

This is not interpretation.

This is fact.

Whitfield shifted in his chair.

I’m not disputing your research, Margaret.

I’m questioning whether this is the right venue for it.

We’re a regional history museum.

Our mission is to preserve and celebrate Wyoming’s heritage.

This seems more like, well, advocacy.

Advocacy for whom? Margaret asked.

For the 28 men murdered in Rock Springs.

For the hundreds who were forced back to the mines at gunpoint.

For Chen Yao Lin and the 16 other men who were branded.

They were part of Wyoming’s heritage, too.

They built the railroads and mined the coal that made this state’s economy possible.

And then they were erased.

Their neighborhoods were burned.

Their records were destroyed.

Their names were forgotten.

Don’t we have an obligation to remember them? The board voted to table her proposal pending further review.

Margaret understood what that meant.

She began to look for other options.

Dr.

Okata introduced her to a network of scholars, community organizers, and descendants of Chinese railroad workers who had been working for years to recover the hidden history of Asian-Americans in the West.

They were enthusiastic about Margaret’s discovery and offered to help her find an appropriate home for the story.

In the end, it was a museum in San Francisco that agreed to mount the exhibition.

The Chinese Historical Society of America, housed in a building that had once been a YW.CA in Chinatown, had been documenting the Chinese American experience for decades.

They understood immediately what the photograph meant and why it mattered.

The exhibition opened in October 2023, nearly 4 years after Margaret had first noticed the bandage on Chen Yaoin’s hand.

The photograph was displayed in a climate controlled case, illuminated by soft light that revealed every detail of the image.

The formal pose, the painted backdrop, the bandaged hand, the faint outline of the brand visible beneath the gauze around it.

The curators had assembled a narrative that placed the photograph in its full context.

Maps showed the Chinese communities that had existed across Wyoming in the 1880s and the 1890s.

Documents from the Coulter report in the assay ledger explained the system of labor control that the photograph documented.

Photographs of rock springs before and after the massacre illustrated what Chinese workers had faced and what they had lost.

But the exhibition also included something else, the names.

Working with Dr.

Okata and a team of researchers, Margaret had reconstructed a partial list of the Chinese workers who had been branded in the Wyoming mines.

She had cross- referenced the medical logs, the assay ledger, and census records to identify as many as possible.

17 men, the number mentioned in the Coulter report, could now be named.

Their photographs, where they existed, were displayed alongside their stories.

Chen Yao Lin was among them, but he was not alone.

The descendants of several of these men had been traced through genealogical records and community networks.

Some had agreed to participate in the exhibition.

One, a woman in her 70s named Emily Laauo discovered that her great-grandfather had been branded in 1893 and had later managed to return to China, where he had raised a family that eventually immigrated to America after 1965.

She had never known why he had left Wyoming or what had happened to him there.

“He never spoke of it,” she said at the exhibition’s opening.

My grandmother said he had a scar on his hand that he always kept covered.

She asked him about it once and he told her it was from a mining accident.

Now I understand.

He was protecting us from a story he thought was too painful to tell.

Margaret stood at the back of the room watching the visitors move through the exhibition.

She thought about the photograph that had started everything about the man who had sat for it more than a century ago with his fresh wound hidden beneath clean white gauze.

Chen Yao Lin had known what he was doing.

He had understood that the portrait would survive, that it would carry his story forward into a future he could not imagine.

He had trusted that someone someday would look closely enough to see what he had been trying to show them.

Margaret had looked, and now others were looking, too.

The photograph hangs in the gallery today, one image among many, but somehow still the center of everything.

Visitors pause before it, leaning in to study the bandaged hand, the careful pose, the face that reveals nothing and everything.

Old portraits are not neutral.

They were staged to show power, wealth, respectability.

The backdrop is a lie.

The pose is a performance.

But sometimes in the margins, in the details that the photographer did not think to hide, the truth survives.

Chen Yao Lynn’s truth was a brand burned into his flesh by men who believed they could own him.

His resistance was a portrait taken in a studio in Evston, Wyoming in March of 1896 that documented what the powerful wanted to forget.

There are other photographs like this one still waiting to be found.

Other hands, other faces, other stories buried in atticss and archives and estate sales across the American West.

The coal mines are closed now.

The Chinatowns burned or bulldozed, the last Chinese laborers long dead.

But the evidence remains if we learn how to see it.

Every ordinary image in a textbook, a family album, a museum wall might be evidence of something darker.

Every peaceful portrait might hide a wound.

The question is whether we are willing to look closely enough to find